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From Illustrations of Chaucer's England, edited by Dorothy Hughes, M.A.; Longmans, Green and Co.; 1919.
1. First, that the King of England, in addition to what he holds in Guienne and Gascony, shall have perpetually and for ever for himself and his heirs, all the following, to be held in the same manner as the King of France, and his son, or any of his ancestors, Kings of France, held them: that is to say, what was held in demesne, in demesne, and what in fee, in fee; and according to the time and manner specified below —
The city, castle, and town of Poitiers, and all the land 89 and country of Poitou, with the fief of Thouars and the lands of Belleville;
The city and castle of Saintes, and all the land and country of Saintonge, on both sides of the Charente;
The city and castle of Agen, and the land and country of Agenois;
The city and castle, and the whole country of Perigord, and the land and county of Pierregouis;
The city and castle of Limoges, with the land and country of Limousin;
The city and castle of Cahors, with the land and country of Caoursin;
The city, castle, and district of Tarbe, and the land, district, and county of Bigorre;
The county, land and district of Gorre;
The city and castle of Angoulême, with the county, land, and country of Angoumois;
The city and castle of Rodez, and the land and country of Rouergue.
And if there be any lords, as the Count of Foix, the Count of Armagnac, the Count of l’Isle, the Count of Perigord, the Viscount of Limoges, or others, who hold any lands or places within the bounds of the said regions, they shall do homage to the King of England, and render all other services and payments due on account of their lands or places, in manner as they have done in times past.
2. Item, the King of England shall have all that he or any of the Kings of England in former times held in the town of Montreuil-sur-mer, and all its appurtenances.
3. Item, the King of England shall have the whole county of Ponthieu; save that, if any alienations have been made by Kings of England at different times from the said county to persons other than the Kings of France, the King of France shall not be bound to restore them to 90 the King of England. And if such alienations have been made to former Kings of France, and the King of France holds them at the present time, he shall release them wholly to the King of England. Saving that, if the Kings of France have held them in exchange for other lands, the King of England shall either restore what was had in exchange, or leave in his hands the lands thus alienated. But if the Kings of England who were for the time being had alienated anything to persons other than the Kings of France, and these be since come into his possession, the King of France shall not be bound to restore them. Also, if such lands owe homage, the King shall deliver them to others, who shall do homage to the King of England; and if not, he shall give them to a tenant who shall render the services due; and this within a year from the time when he shall have left Calais.
4. Item, the King of England shall have the castle and town of Calais;
The castle, town and lordship of Marck;
The towns, castles, and lordships of Sangatte, Coulogne, Ham, Le Wal, and Oye; with lands, woods, marshes, rivers, rents, lordships, advowsons of Churches, and all other appurtenances and places lying within the following limits and bounds. . . .1
5.Item, the King of England shall have the castle, town, and the whole county of Guînes, with all the lands, towns, castles, fortresses, places, tenants, homages and seignuries, woods and forests, and the rights in them, as fully as the late Count of Guînes held them at the time of his death. And the Churches and good people within the limits of Guînes, Calais, Marck, and other places aforesaid, shall be subject to the King of England as they were to the King of France and the Count of Guînes for the time being. And all the above, of Marck and Calais, 91 contained in this present article and that immediately preceding, the King of England shall hold in demesne; saving the inheritance of the Churches, which shall remain wholly to them, wherever they be situated; saving also the inheritance of other persons of the districts of Marck and Calais, situated outside the town of Calais, to the annual value of £100 worth of land, and below, in current coin of the district, which shall remain to them. But habitations and inheritances situate in the town of Calais, with their appurtenances, shall remain to the King of England in demesne, to be disposed of at his pleasure. To the inhabitants of the town, county, and district of Guînes, all their demesnes shall be left, and they shall claim them fully, saving what is said of frontiers, limits, and bounds in the preceding article.
6. Item, it is agreed that the King of England and his heirs shall have and hold all the islands adjacent to the aforesaid lands, districts, and places, with all the other islands that he holds at present.
7. Item, it is agreed that the King of France, and the Regent, his eldest son, shall as soon as possible, and at latest before the Feast of Saint Michael within a year next coming, restore, deliver, and transfer to the King of England, his heirs and successors, all the honours, obediences, homages (etc.) . . ., and all rights that they have, belonging . . . by any cause, title, or colour of right, to the King or crown of France, on account of the aforesaid cities, counties, castles, (etc.), and each one of them, wherever they may be. And they shall, by their letters patent, command all Archbishops, Bishops, and others of Holy Church; and all counts, viscounts, barons, and nobles; and all others whatsoever of the aforesaid places, that they shall obey the King of England and his heirs, as they have obeyed the Kings and crown of France. And by the same letters they shall acquit and absolve them from all homage, 92 oaths, obligations and subjections, made in any manner by any of them to the crown of France.
8. Item, it is agreed that the King of England shall have the aforesaid counties, cities, castles, etc., wheresoever they may be to hold heritably and perpetually for himself and heirs, that which the Kings of France held in demesne, in demesne, and that which they held in fee and service, in fee and service; saving all that is said above in the article touching Calais and Marck. And if, of any rights, jurisdictions, or profits, whatsoever pertaining to any of the aforesaid cities, counties, castles, and lands, which any Kings of England have held, alienations, donations, obligations, or charges have been made by Kings of France within the past 70 years, by any cause or manner whatsoever, all such donations . . . henceforth are and shall be utterly repealed and annulled. And everything thus given, alienated or charged shall be restored and delivered to the King of England or his deputies as soon as possible . . ., saving all grants and alienations made to Churches, which shall remain peacefully to them in all the aforesaid districts and places; so that the person of the said Churches shall pray diligently for the said Kings, as for their founders.
9. Item . . ., that the King of England shall have and hold all the aforesaid cities, counties, castles, and districts, which have not formerly belonged to the Kings of England, as the King of France or his son hold them at present.
10. Item . . ., if within the limits of the said districts formerly belonging to the Kings of England, there were anything not so belonging, but being in the possession of the King of France on the day of battle of the Poitiers, which was the 19th day of September, in the year 1356, it shall remain to the King of England and his heirs.
13. Item, that the King of France shall pay to the King of England 3,000,000 gold crowns of which two are worth a noble in English money. Whereof 600,000 crowns shall be paid to the King of England or his deputies at Calais within four months from the time of the King of France’s arrival there. And within the year next following 400,000 crowns shall be paid in England, in the City of London; and thenceforth 400,000 crowns each year until the 3,000,000 be fully paid.
14. Also, that by the payment of the said 600,000 crowns at Calais, and by delivery of the hostages named below; and by the delivery to the King of England within the said four months of the town, castle, and fortresses of Rochelle, and the castles, towns and fortresses of Guînes, the King’s person shall be released from prison, and he shall be permitted to leave Calais and return to his power without hindrance. But neither he nor his people shall bear arms against the king of England until he shall have performed what he is bound to do by the present treaty. . . .2
27. Item . . . the King of England shall, at his own expense, deliver all the fortresses taken and occupied by 94 him and his subjects, adherents and allies, in France, Touraine, Anjou, Maine, Berry, Auvergne, Burgundy, Champagne, Picardy, and Normandy, and in all other parts of the realm of France, save those of the Duchy of Brittany, and of the districts and lands which ought to belong to him by the present treaty.
28. Item, the King of France shall deliver to the King of England all towns, castles, fortresses and other aforesaid lands and places at his own cost. And if there shall be any persons rebellious, or refusing to restore to the King of England any cities, towns, castles, etc., . . . which ought to belong to him by the present treaty, the King of France shall be bound to cause them to be delivered to the King of England at his own cost; and in the same way shall the King of England be bound to deliver the fortresses which ought by this present treaty to belong to the King of France. And the said King and their people shall be bound to give mutual help to each other in this mater when they shall be required, at the wages of the party who shall make the request.
29. Item, that Archbishops, Bishops, and other prelates and people of Holy Church, by reason of their temporalities, shall be subject to that one of the two Kings under whom they hold their temporalities; and if they hold under both Kings, they shall be subject to each of them for the temporalities which they hold of each.
33. Item, the Kings shall obtain confirmation and support of all the above matters by the Pope.
9534. Item, all subjects of the said realms who shall wish to study at schools and universities of the realms of France and England shall enjoy all privileges and liberties of such schools and universities, in the same manner as they could before the war, and as they do at present.
35. For the security and guarantee of all the above matters, the following securities shall be given — Letters shall be given under the seals of the Kings of France and of England, and their eldest sons. And they and their children and relatives, and the great men of their realms, 20 on each side, shall swear to keep the treaty.
And if there should be any person of the said realms rebellious, or refusing to agree to the above matters, the Kings shall do all in their power to reduce them to obedience, according to the tenor of the treaty. And with this, they shall submit themselves, their heirs and their realms, to the coercion of our Holy Father the Pope, so that against persons who shall be rebellious he may apply compulsion by sentence of excommunication, ecclesiastical censures, and other due means. And among the aforesaid securities and guarantees, the two Kings and their heirs shall renounce all wars, and all forcible measures, by their faith and oath. And if by the disobedience, or might of any subjects of the realm of France, or other just cause, the King of France or his heirs shall be unable to accomplish all the aforesaid matters, the King of England, or his heirs, or other for them, shall not, and ought not to make war against the King of France or his realm; but together they shall strive to reduce the said rebels to obedience. . . . Similarly, it shall be if any of the realm or the obedience of the King of England shall refuse to give up castles, towns, or fortresses in the realm of France, or to obey the treaty. . . .
36. [All previous agreements to be null and void.]
37. Item, that neither of the Kings shall procure or cause 96 to be procured, that any innovations or impediments be made by the Court of Rome or by others of Holy Church, contrary to the present treaty, against either of the said Kings, their adherents or allies . . . lands or subjects, by reason of the war or for other cause. . . .
And if our Holy Father or other shall wish to do so, the Kings shall hinder him, without pretence, to the best of their ability.
The French King and his son to release all claims upon the ceded districts and their inhabitants. . . . “Without retaining anything to themselves, their heirs and successors, or the Crown of France . . . whereby they, . . . or other Kings of France, might . . . challenge or demand in time to come anything of the King of England . . . or any of the aforesaid vassals and subjects, by reason of the aforesaid towns and places. So that all the aforesaid persons, their heirs and successors shall be in perpetuity liegemen and subjects of the King of England. . . .
And that the King of England and his successors shall have and hold all the aforesaid places, and they shall remain to them fully in their lordship, sovereignty and obeisance, allegiance and subjection, as the Kings of France held them at any time past; and the King of England . . . shall have all the aforesaid districts in full franchise and perpetual liberty as sovereign and liege lord, and as neighbour of the King and crown of France, without recognising any sovereignty in them, or doing any obedience, homage, resort, or subjection, and without in time to come doing any service or recognition to the King or the crown of France for any of the aforesaid places.
Also, that the King of France and his eldest son shall expressly renounce the said resort and sovereignty, and 97 all rights . . . in all things which by the said treaty, ought to belong to the King of England. And similarly the King of England and his eldest son shall expressly renounce all those things which, by the present treaty, ought not to be delivered or remain to the King of England, and all the demands that he has made of the King of France, especially the claim and right to the crown and realm of France, and the homage, sovereignty and demesne of the Duchy of Normandy, Touraine, the counties of Anjou and Maine; the sovereignty and homage of the Duchy of Brittany, and of the county and districts of Flanders.
1 These are carefully specified in detail
2 There follow the names of hostages and prisoners, and the arrangements to be made for them.
[“The Companies” (Froissart).1]
Soon after King John’s return, the King of England sent trustworthy persons into the realm of France, to cause all manner of Englishmen to evacuate and depart from the garrisons that they held, and to command them in his name to restore the castles and strongholds to the King of France and his men, on pain of forfeiting the realm of England, and even their lives.
This ordinance was a great hardship to many, who had learnt to rob and pillage, and had advanced themselves and made their fortune by the war; and whereas before they had been poor grooms and servants, they thought that, if they returned, they could not live after the manner wherein they had been accustomed. So that many refused to obey, and did much evil in the land of France, as you shall hear. And those who obeyed, sold the strongholds that they held to the people of the surrounding country. True it is that the knights and squires, gentlemen of England obeyed the order, and departed from their towns and fortresses; but there were Germans, Flemings, men of 98 Brabant and Hainault, Bretons, Burgundians, rascally Frenchmen, Normans and Picards, and Englishmen of low condition, who had risen in the war, and had nothing to lose save what they held. These men continued in their mischief, for they declared that they must needs live. So they gathered together from divers places, and made war in the realm as fiercely as before. Wherefore the King of England was greatly displeased.
1 MS. d’Amiens.
The Bishop of Winchester, Chancellor, after describing what had taken place, continued: —
“. . . And by reason of the attempts thus made in the said Principality by our said adversary, contrary to the form of the Peace, the Prince sent his solemn messengers to show the same fully to our lord the King, explaining further, how that the Prince had called to him the wisest persons of the said Principality, and had discussed with them as to whether, by reason of these encroachments so openly made against the form of the Peace, the King might justly and reasonably resume and use the title of King of France. And they declared that the King might do so justly and in good faith.”
And upon this point the Archbishop of Canterbury and the other prelates were charged by the King to hold discussion together, and to lay their advice before him.
On the following Wednesday, having had full deliberation upon the matter with which they were charged, they all made answer with one accord, that, by reason of the 99 aforesaid causes, our lord the King might justly and with good conscience, resumed and use the title of King of France. And the dukes, earls, barons, and other great men, and the Commons agreed to this in full Parliament. The which title the King resumed.
And on the 11th day of June, the King’s Great Seal, that he had previously used, being put into custody, and another seal, stamped with the title of France, resumed, charters, letters patent, and writs were sealed. And all the seals in the King’s other places were in the same manner changed on that day.
During Lent a Parliament was held1 in London, wherein for many days there was discussion about the commission granted by the Supreme Pontiff to the Bishop of Norwich, and as to his setting out against the schismatics; and there was much violent contention. For one party, whose hearts God had touched, desired that he should set out, as the Champion of the Church, against the enemies of Christ, while the others opposed it, for they declared that it was not safe to entrust the King’s people of the realm to an inexperienced priest. And there was open breach between them. And for this cause the business of the Pope and the whole Church was delayed until that Sunday whereon there is special mention throughout the whole Church of Our Lord’s Cross and Passion.2 At length, — after many evasions by the leaders of the realm, and after many debates had been interposed, but utterly crushed by God’s grace, and by the praiseworthy firmness of the knights of Parliament — on that same Sunday, whereon Holy Church sings of the going forward of the royal banners, suddenly the whole faction present in that Parliament, that had held out so strongly against Christ’s business, and the advancement of the faith of the Cross, gave way, as though struck by the thunder of that solemn antiphon, “Behold the Cross of the Lord, let his enemies be scattered,” and gave decision after the wishes of the crusading Bishop”.
1 23 February
2 The 5th Sunday in Lent. The decision of the previous Parliament had met with opposition in some quarters, especially among the Duke of Lancaster’s friends.
101[“Rolls of Parliament,” iii. 149. (French.)]
Also be it known, that after the said Bishop of Norwich had taken consideration for a little time, he came before the King and the lords of the realm in Parliament and made another offer, in the following form; namely, that if it pleased the King to allow him the “fifteenth” last granted by the laity of the realm, he would then serve the King for a whole year in his wars, within the realm of France, with 2500 men-at-arms, and 2500 archers, all well arrayed and mounted. And of this number, 1000 men-at-arms and 1000 archers, should if it pleased God, be on the sea, equipped and ready to cross over to the relief and succour of the town of Ghent and the country of Flanders, within 20 days next after the first payment to him of the said “fifteenth”. And he would take upon himself the expenses of their transport and other charges, and would undertake to carry this out in aid of the King.
But although it appeared to the King and his Council, and to the lords of the realm that this offer was most loyal and generous, if it might be performed; nevertheless, it was very necessary that the King should have the assistance of persons who would be captains, and governors of the host. For it is well known to everyone that so great a force could scarcely remain long in a prosperous condition without the management of great and noble persons, lords and others. Therefore the Bishop was asked, from the King, to assist the King and Council by giving the names of the captains whom he thought of having with him in the said expedition. To this the bishop replied, that if it might please the King to accept his offer, and to hand over the expedition to him in manner as he requested, he would undertake to have with him the best captains of the realm, after the King 102 and the other royal persons. But he said that he would not make known their names in particular until he was sure that the expedition would be given to him. Upon this, the Bishop was asked, what lord of the realm he wished to have with him, to be the King’s Lieutenant in the host? since a King’s Lieutenant was very necessary in such an important and difficult business, who should have authority to take cognizance of crime, and of doing other necessary things; and this office had never hitherto been discharged by a prelate, or other person of Holy Church.
The Bishop answered that he would set down in writing, and deliver to the king, the names of certain lords; begging the King to choose from these the person most pleasing to him for this business, and to appoint him his Lieutenant; who should be charged to be obedient to the Bishop in all matters touching the Crusade. And the Bishop agreed, on his part, to defer to the Lieutenant in all things touching the Lieutenancy. He promised, moreover, that if within the said year it should happen that the kingdom of France should be converted to the support of the true Pope Urban, he would from that time be bound at once to lay aside the banner of the Crusade, and serve the King in the war under his own banner, with the number of men defined above, until the end of the year.
When this offer had been rehearsed in full Parliament, before the King and all the Commons, it seemed to all to be good, and highly profitable for the whole realm, if it were well carried out; and therefore it was accepted by our lord the King. And then afterwards, when the Bishop had delivered the names of the four person from whom the King should choose his Lieutenant, the King, desiring the common profit of the realm, wished that none should have ground for accusing the lords of the realm, for that this expedition that appeared so profitable, was without good 103 cause hindered or set aside by them; he agreed therefore that since the Commons of the realm had given their counsel upon it, it should be granted and rehearsed in full Parliament that if the Bishop could not come to an agreement with any of the lords named by him, or with other sufficient person worthy of bearing the dignity of Lieutenant; — in that case the King would be willing that the Bishop should have the Lieutenancy, and the government and control of the host, in all matters, after the manner of his proffer.
[Walsingham. “Historia Anglicana,” 1383. (Latin.)]
In these circumstances the Bishop sent letters sealed with his seal throughout the whole Kingdom, giving to rectors, vicars, and curates power of hearing the confessions of their parishioners, and of granting the boon of plenary absolution and remission, according to the form of the Papal Bull, to those who should make any contribution whereby the business of the Crusaders might be advanced. Therefore, when it was known that so great a blessing had come to the English people, the inhabitants of the whole realm, being desirous of not receiving so great a boon in vain, were inflamed with faith and devotion, so that those who felt themselves fit to set out made ready with all speed, while those who seemed unsuitable, bestowed liberally of their goods, with the advice of their confessors. . . .
And thus there was scarcely anyone to be found in the whole breadth of the realm who did not offer himself for the business, or contribute somewhat of his goods. . . . So that that which had before seemed impossible to the King’s Councillors and to the enemies of the expeditions, now began to seem possible, whence the Bishop, poorest 104 among the Bishops of the realm, was furnished with the resources for so great an expedition.
[KNIGHTON]. — For the Bishop gathered together an incredible sum of money, gold and silver, jewels, necklaces, rings, and other ornaments, especially from ladies and other women; for it was said that one lady gave him £100. And so other women contributed, some more, some less, and many, it was believed, beyond their means, that they might obtain the benefit of absolution for themselves and their friends. And in this way the hidden treasure of the realm, that was in the hands of the women, was put in jeopardy. Men as well as women did thus, rich and poor, according to their means and beyond . . . for otherwise they did not receive absolution. . . . Many provided armed men, others found archers, while many others set out at their own expense. For the Bishop had wonderful pardons, with plenary absolution, from Pope Urban VI, by whose authority both the living and the dead, on whose behalf sufficient contribution was made, were absolved from all offences by himself and his commissaries. For it was said that some of his commissaries declared that at their command angels would come down from above, snatch souls from their pains in purgatory, and carry them off at once to heaven.
[Walsingham. Ibid., 1383. News of the Bishop’s first successes.]
When therefore these good tidings were made known in England, by some who had been present at the taking of Gravelines and Dunkirk, and who, as witness of the truth of their accounts, had brought home with them horses, oxen, and household goods, at once the whole country, allured by hope of booty became eager to set out. And without further deliberation many London apprentices and servants, assuming the white hoods, with red crosses on 105 their right side, and red scabbards at the left, set out, against the will of their masters and lords. This example was followed by others from almost the whole of England, who, leaving their friends, their kin and families, set out, unarmed save with swords, bows, and arrows. And not only did laymen do this, but the professed of all orders, having asked permission, but not obtained it, presumed to undertake the expedition, to their great hurt and discredit. For they did not decide upon this journey only for Christ’s sake, but in order to see their country, and the world. These inexperienced men and rustics hurried up from all directions, until they came to the sea, where Sir John Philpot, who was looking after the Bishop’s affairs, provided shipping. There were many who had nothing for their expenses, beyond their passage, for they thought that if they had once crossed the sea, they would want for nothing, but everything would come to them at will. So a great many were carried abroad, and they hastened to the Bishop, who had then advanced further, and come to the town of Ypres, that was full of riches, renowned for its buildings, and well fortified with fighting men. . . .
And now the number of those who had crossed over was so great, that 60,000 were estimated to have come from England.
The Bishop, therefore, when he considered the arrival of so great a multitude, who were not practised in arms, nor even possessed them, was very vexed, and sent to Sir John Philpot, asking him to allow none to cross in future, save those who were practised and able.
First, as to the charge brought against him, that he had not served the King for the term which he had promised, nor for the half of it, — the Bishop said that by the aforesaid covenant he was bound, and moreover he was charged by his liege lord, especially and before all else, to go with his force to the relief of the town of Ghent. And by reason of this charge, as soon as he had landed abroad, he made his way towards that town; and on the march, as it pleased God, he came in conflict with the enemy, both at Gravelines and Dunkirk and elsewhere. And at last, when the men of Ghent had met him, and they had talked and taken counsel together as to what was best to be done, both for their succour, and for the success of his expedition, the final intention of the men of Ghent was this, namely, that they should lay siege to the town of Ypres. For they asserted that Ypres was not well enough stocked with men and supplies to hold out against the forces of England and Ghent. And they said further, that if the town of Ypres were won, that held the keys of all Flanders, the rest would very soon be conquered. And so by the instigation and comfort of the men of Ghent, and with the consent of all the English captains who were with the expedition, siege was laid to the town. But during the siege, many of his men perished of divers grave sicknesses, and many were killed and wounded; and a great number of the good-for-nothing rascals who were mutinous and disobedient to him returned to England with their pillage. And therefore, and owing to the departing of the men of Ghent from the siege, the English 107 captains saw that after their departure the host was very greatly diminished, and so shrunken by the aforesaid causes, that the English would not and could not hold the field against such a force as the French had assembled.
And thus, giving due consideration to these excuses alleged by him, and to the labours of the Bishop himself and his people in this expedition, and to the honour and profit of the King and the realm; and especially considering that, by reason of the said expedition, a truce, and offer of peace discussions had been made by our adversary of France — which, if it pleased God, would open the way to final peace; — and also that what had occurred ought not in reason to be charged to his default, especially since it had come about rather by the fortune of Providence than in other manner; it seemed to him that as to this article, he should be held excused.
Also, as to this charge that he did not make his due muster at Calais — he said that to hasten the coming of his people in the expedition for the relief of Ghent in manner as he had promised, he crossed to Calais before his other captains, with such person, in small number, as he could get together. And he did not tarry more than two or three days after his landing at Calais, but forthwith made his way towards Gravelines, and with the Lord’s help, took it. And them, when he was come before Ypres, although for the aforesaid cause he did not make his full muster at Calais, nevertheless he had before Ypres his full number of men in each degree, and more. And this he was ready to prove by good and sufficient witness, or in other reasonable manner that the King should assign. And thus, as to that point, it seemed to him that he was not blameworthy.
And as to that it was said that he had not with him the best captains of the Kingdom after the royal persons — it appeared to him that he had good and sufficient captains. 108 But he would have had better, if they had been given license and permission; as the Lord Neville, who offered in the King’s presence to go with the expedition, if it should please the King to give him leave — the which leave was denied him. And thus, as to that, it seemed to him that he was in no way to blame.
And touching the charge, that he was said to have refused to have a Lieutenant — he said that it was true that the King sent letters and messengers to him in Flanders, where he then was with his army, touching this matter; whereto he replied by his own letters, returning thanks to his liege lord to the utmost of his power, for that it pleased him to think of him, and to be tender of him and his estate. And these same letters made express mention that whenever the King and his council wished to appoint such a Lieutenant it would be well pleasing to him. Thus he did not refuse to have the said Lieutenant but held himself well satisfied with whatever the King might ordain. And thus it seemed to him that as to that also he was in no way to be blamed; but rather, as for other causes alleged on his part, and for other services that he had before rendered to the King and the realm, he should have deserved reward and thanks, and not displeasure. Entreating our lord the King that it might please him to accept his excuses truly put forward, and to be gracious lord to him, if it seemed to his Highness that he had nothing offended in this part.
Whereto the Chancellor replied. “It is true that when you were in Flanders, after that you had stayed there a little time, certain news came to our lord the King and his council in England, many times, by letters and by other manner, sent to him from Flanders by the captains of your host, that the host was daily in worse condition for want of a Lieutenant, and of good governance. Then 109 the King caused the matter to be discussed with the Earl of Arundel, and finally an agreement was come to with the Earl that he should be the King’s Lieutenant in the host, and should come to you in haste, with a sufficient number of good men-at-arms and archers, in succour of you and the host, if you would agree to this. For without your consent the King would have nothing done in the matter, and therefore he sent you his letters and messenger, to have your opinion. And you answered by your letters, which are yet ready at hand to be shown, in such manner that by the form of the said letters, — which are made with double meaning — and by other words of yours reported elsewhere, it may evidently appear that you did not wish to have a Lieutenant.
“And although you have now alleged this last matter contained in your letters as an excuse (as is not sufficient, your said letters being well understood) nevertheless, this is in no way to the purpose of what is charged against you before — namely, that you utterly refused to have a Lieutenant before your departure from the realm, according to the first offer made to you as well as since. Whereby, and also from want of good captains and governors, all that mischief happened to your host.”
Also, on another occasion the Bishop, declaring that, inasmuch as he had been in many ways disturbed and interrupted in giving his answers to the articles wherewith he was impeached, by captious words and otherwise, he had left out and forgotten great part of what 110 he had to say in his excuse, begged the king that for God’s sake he would appoint him another day in this Parliament, and a seemly hearing without interruption; and then, he said, with the Lord’s help, he would excuse himself so clearly as should reasonably suffice. This request was granted, and another day appointed, namely the 24th day of November.
On that day the Bishop, rehearsing the four articles previously charged against him in Parliament, in presence of the King himself, made answers very nearly as he had done before, upon all the aforesaid matters; Adding — that at the time when he had news that the van of the French army had entered Flanders, and when upon this the siege of Ypres was abandoned, he had resolved to encounter the said vanguard, and to have fought with them. But this intention he was not able to carry out for as much as the captains of his host would not agree to it; buy they and others of his army opposed him so strongly that of necessity, and for fear of the enemy, they were obliged to depart and take refuge in their fortresses. Therefore the Bishop returned to the town of Gravelines, and would have held it well enough against all men, and did hold it, until the other captains had surrendered their fortresses to the French. And then there came to him some Englishmen, telling how that there were some 6000 or 7000 of the English on the sands near Calais, who had been turned out of the surrendered fortresses, to their great mischief and hardship; because they had nothing to live upon, and could not have admission to the town of Calais. And inasmuch as the truce lately made was to expire within the next two or three days, the French were purposing to attack them, and kill them all as soon as it was at an end; And this slaughter, if it should take place would reflect principally upon the Bishop himself, and then upon the other captains, to greater mischief and 111 villainy than anything else could be. Therefore they charged him in the King’s name to surrender the town to the enemy, or at once destroy it, and make his way to the succour of these people, and thence to England. For they said that if anything but good happened to these people on the sands, they would charge the Bishop for it before the King himself. Wherefore, said the Bishop, he was obliged of necessity to dismantle and quit the town of Gravelines although it grieved him to do it, as his own conquest from the enemy . . . and also because before this, a letter had come from the King, commanding him, if there were great want of victuals in the town (as in truth, there was) to evacuate it, and save himself and his people. . . .