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From Illustrations of Chaucer's England, edited by Dorothy Hughes, M.A.; Longmans, Green and Co.; 1919.



203

BOOK IV. POLITICAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL.


A. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS, 1340-1378.

1

[In the Parliament held in April, 1340, since the King was in extreme financial difficulties, an unusually generous grant was made, in a new form; the magnates and knights of the shires granted “the 9th sheaf, fleece, and lamb,” and the citizens and burgesses “the very ninth of all their goods”. In return for this, and to allay the uneasiness caused by his unusual demands of the last three years, the following Statute was accorded. (“Statutes of the Realm,” i. 290; 14 Ed. III, Stat. 2, cc. 1 and 4. French.)]

. . . We, wishing to provide for the indemnity of the said prelates, earls, barons, and others of the community, and also of the citizens, burgesses, and merchants . . . will and grant . . . that this same grant which is so chargeable shall not another time be had in example, nor fall to their prejudice in time to come; nor that they be henceforth charged or grieved to make common aid or to sustain charge if it be not by common assent of the prelates, earls, barons, and other magnates and commons of our realm of England, and that in Parliament.

2.

[After abandoning the Siege of Tournoi, Edward, finding that no supplies reached him from England, and that his financial difficulties were now acute, returned unexpectedly on 30 November, 1340, 204 prepared to make sweeping inquiries into the management of affairs. Murimuth. (Latin.)]

Soon after his arrival in this manner, the King removed all the sheriffs and other ministers, and put others, even unwillingly, in their places. And he made a knight Chancellor of England, to wit, Sir Robert Bourchier, and another, Treasurer, Sir Robert Sadington (and afterwards Sir Robert Parning), and took counsel of young men, despising that of the old. And he ordained that in each county Justices should sit to inquire concerning the collectors of the “tenths” and “fifteenths” and of wools, and concerning all other officers. And in each county he appointed a chief Justice, an earl, or a great baron, with whom he associated others of middle condition; and these Justices proceeded so rigorously and in such arbitrary fashion, that none escaped unpunished. . . .

And in the quinzaine of Easter, to wit, in the year 1341, . . . the King held a Parliament in London, wherein the prelates, lords, and magnates, that is, the peers and community of the realm, with one accord made many good petitions for the community of the realm, and especially that the Great Charter and the Charter of the Forest, and other liberties of the Church should be preserved to the quick. And that those who infringed them, even though it were the King’s officers, should be punished; and that the greater officers of the King should be chosen by the peers of the realm in Parliament. And these the King opposed for a long time, according to his private counsel. Thus the Parliament lasted until the eve of Whitsun. Finally the King granted the greater part of the said petitions, but concerning the appointment and election of his officers he would not yield. He agreed however at length that his officers should swear in Parliament that in performing their offices they would do justice to all; and if they did not do so, in every Parliament, on the third day 205 after its opening, they should resign their offices, and make answer to all persons complaining of them; and that the guilty should be punished by the judgment of the peers. Upon this and other matters a statute was made and sealed with the King’s seal.

3.

[The statutes, which were drawn up by the Parliamentary opposition, contained concessions greater than any the King had been willing to grant. On 1 October, 1341, Edward definitely revoked these. “Statutes of the Realm,” i. 297.]

. . . Whereas in our Parliament summoned at Westminster in the Quinzaine of Easter last past certain articles expressly contrary to the laws and customs of our realm of England and to our prerogatives and royal rights were pretended to be granted by us in the manner of a statute — We, considering that we are bound by our oath to the observance of such laws, customs, rights, and prerogatives, and providently desiring to recall such things to their due state which be so improvidently done; upon conference and treaty had thereupon with the earls, barons, and other wise men of our realm, and because we never consented to the making of the said statute, but, to avoid the dangers which we feared by denying the same (forasmuch as the said Parliament otherwise had been dissolved in discord, without despatching anything, and our urgent business would most probably have been ruined) we dissembled herein, and allowed the same statute to be sealed; it seemed to the earls, barons, and other wise men that, since the said statute did not proceed from our free will, it was void, and ought not to have the name of a statute —

And therefore, with their counsel and assent, we have decreed the said statute to be annulled. . . .

Desiring, however, that the articles contained therein 206 which . . have before been approved by other statutes of us or our progenitors . . . shall be observed. . . .

And this we do only for the conservation and reintegration of the rights of our crown.

4.

[Complaint concerning the demand for hobblers and archers, 1346. “Rolls of Parliament,” ii. 160. (French.)]

To our lord the king and his Council pray the people of his commons, for the common profit, that the ordinances, promises, and grants made in Parliament to the commons be henceforth held and kept, in ease of the commons against the great charges and oppressions which they have suffered for a long time — so that henceforth commissions to the contrary may not issue out of the Chancery, as charging the people with Array, men-at-arms, hobelours, archers, and victuals; or in any other manner charging the commons without the assent and grant of Parliament. And if by chance commissions to the contrary be sent, that the people be not bound to obey, nor be charged by them.

Answer — As to the first point of this article, — it is our pleasure that they be kept and guarded in manner as they ask. As to the second point of the same article, — it is well known that in many Parliaments hitherto, the magnates and commons have promised our lord the King, to assist with body and goods so far as they are able, in aid of his quarrel with France, and the safety of the realm of England. Therefore, the magnates, seeing the necessity that the King had, before his passage, of men-at-arms, hobelours, and archers . . . advised that those who had a hundred shillings’ worth of land, and beyond, South of the Trent, should find men-at-arms, hobelours and archers, according to the rate of their holding, to go with the King at the King’s wages. And then those who did not wish to go in 207 their own person, nor find others, should willingly suffer that they should make contribution, so that the King might hire others in their place. And so it was done, and not otherwise. And the King wills that what was done in this necessity shall not in future be had in example.

5.

[Declaration as to what offences shall be judged treason. 25 Ed. III, Stat. 5, c. 2 (1352); “Statutes of the Realm,” i. 319. (French.)]

Whereas divers opinions have been before this time, in what case treason shall be held, and in what case not, the King, at the request of the lords and the commons has made the following declaration; namely, that when any compass or imagine the death of our lord the King or our Lady his queen or of their eldest son; or if any violate the King’s wife, or his eldest daughter unmarried, or the wife of the King’s eldest son and heir; or if any do levy way against our lord the King, or be adherent to the King’s enemies in his realm, giving them aid and comfort in the realm or elsewhere, and thereof be provably attainted of open deed by people of their own condition; and if any counterfeit the King’s Great Seal or Privy Seal, or his money, and if any bring false money into the realm . . . knowing it to be false, to merchandise or make payment, in deceit of our lord the King and of his people; and if any slay the Chancellor or Treasurer, or the King’s Justices of the one Bench or the other, Justice in Eyre, or of Assize, and any other Justices assigned to hear and determine, being in their places and doing their offices — be it understood that in the above cases, that ought to be judged Treason, which extends to our lord the King and to his royal majesty. And of such Treason the forfeiture of the escheats pertains to the King, as well of the lands and tenements held of others as of himself.

208

6.

[Appointments of Lords to treat with the Commons in 1373. “Rolls of Parliament,” ii. 316. (French.) The causes of summons were first explained by Sir John Knyvett, the Chancellor.]

. . . And he commanded the commons to take thought as to giving good counsel and advice upon the above points; and that they should depart for that day, and return into the said chamber1 on the morrow, so that they might be near the magnates, who would be in the White Chamber, in case they should desire to have their advice and counsel upon the matter, and upon other matters put before them.

And on that day some of the commons came into the White Chamber in the name of them all, and prayed the lords there present for certain bishops, earl, and barons, with whom they might treat, discuss and debate, the better to accomplish the matters wherewith they were charged; asking for the bishops of London, Winchester, and Bath and Wells, the earls of Arundel,, March, Salisbury, Sir Guy Brian, and Sir Henry le Scrope. And it was granted that these should go to the commons and treat with them upon the aforesaid points in the Chamberlain’s chamber. Thus deliberation was had between the said magnates and commons until Tuesday, the eve of St. Andrew.2



NOTES


1   The Painted Chamber.





NOTES


2   Five days later.

7.

[“The Good Parliament,” 28 April, 1376. “Rolls of Parliament,” ii. 321. (French.)]

On the Monday next after the Feast of St. George, in the 50th year of the reign of our lord King Edward III, that was the first day of the present Parliament, the 209 greater part of the prelates and lords, and some of the commons were assembled at Westminster before the King himself in his chamber. But because some of the sheriffs had not then returned their writs of Parliament, and also because some of the prelates, earls, barons, knights of the shires, citizens of the cities, and burgesses of the boroughs were not yet come, the King decided to wait until the following day to declare the causes of this Parliament; and so this was done. And proclamation was made in the Great Hall at Westminster that all those who were summoned to Parliament should be there the next morning at eight of the clock; and that all sheriffs should make return there of their writs of Parliament, under heavy penalty.

On this next day the prelates, duke, earls, and barons assembled, with the other magnates and the commons, Justices, and Serjeants-at-law and others, in the Painted Chamber; and there before the King himself and all the rest, Sir John Knyvett, knight Chancellor of England, by the King’s command, pronounced the causes of the summons of the present Parliament — Saying, that the Parliament was held especially for three causes; The first and principal cause was to make ordinance, by the good counsel of them all, for the maintaining of the peace of his realm of England; the second was to ordain as to the defence and salvation of the realm externally; and the third, to arrange for carrying on the war that the King must needs wage in pursuit of his quarrel with France, and elsewhere, and in what manner this can be done most speedily, and to the greatest profit and honour of the King and the realm; asserting expressly that the King had always acted with their good counsel, comfort, and aid, wherefore, praised be God, he had hitherto had good issue; for the which aids, counsel and comfort he thanked the prelates, lords, and commons heartily, desiring their good 210 continuance henceforth. Therefore the Chancellor prayed them in the King’s name diligently to take counsel, to wit, the prelates and lords by themselves, and the commons by themselves, and to make favourable answer as soon as they well could, for the speedy issue of the Parliament.

[As in 1373, the commons asked for the help of the lords; the bishops of London, Norwich, Carlisle and St. Davids; the earls of March, Stafford, Warwick and Suffolk, and the lords Henry Percy, Guy Brian, Henry le Scrope, and Richard Stafford were chosen.

(Chronicon Angliae.) When therefore these lords had deliberation with the Knights concerning the royal request, it was agreed among them that they would unanimously refuse what the King asked until certain abuses and defaults should be corrected, and certain persons, who were seen to have impoverished the King and the realm, besmirched his household, and enfeebled his power, should be removed, and their misdeeds suitably punished. In these circumstances the question arose as to who among the knights should speak on behalf of the King, the realm and the said people; for they feared certain among the King’s confidants who had completely won his goodwill and favour, and would, as they knew, lay snares for them, because the commons intended to expose their shortcomings. But in the midst of their anxiety, God enkindled the mind of a certain knight called Peter de la Mare, filling him with abounding wisdom and unlooked-for eloquence. . . . He showed himself formidable to all opponents; by no gifts could he be modified, by no threats of the magnates could he be turned from the path of justice.

(Rolls of Parliament.) Then afterwards the commons came into Parliament, making open protestation that they were of as good will and firm purpose to aid their noble liege lord with their bodies and goods as ever any 211 others were in times past, and always would be according to their power. But they said that it seemed to them certain, that if their liege lord had had loyal counsellors and good officers about him, he would have been rich in treasure, and so would have not great need to charge his commons by way of subsidy, tallage, or otherwise; having regard to the great sums of gold that have been brought into the realm by the ransoms of the Kings of France and Scotland, and other prisoners. . . . And they said further, that it appeared to them that, for the singular profit and advantage of certain privy persons about the King, and others of their covyne, the King and the realm are greatly impoverished, and many merchants almost ruined and undone. Wherefor they thought it would b profitable . . . to apply due correction with all possible speed.

And the commons promised the King that if he would execute justice and hasty judgment upon those who should be found guilty, and take from them what law and reason should give him, they would undertake that with what they have granted him in this Parliament, he would be rich enough to maintain his wars and other business for a long term, without greatly burdening his commons in any manner in future, Moreover they said that herein our lord the King would be acting right meritoriously, giving satisfaction to God, and great ease and profit to all his commons of England; whereby they would be of better heart and goodwill to help their liege lord with all their might, if occasion befel that he needed greater aid from them. . . .

[They proceeded to make detailed charges against persons employed by the Government, involving frauds in connection with the Staple at Calais, fraudulent purchase of Government debts from private creditors, and the engineering of loans to the King among their friends at exorbitant interest. Richard Lyons, a financial agent of the Government, and the Chamberlain, Lord Latimer, were 212 especially attacked, in spite of the Duke of Lancaster’s opposition to the whole proceedings.]

(Chronicon Angliae.) The Duke with feigned mildness, deceitfully seemed to encourage them, saying that he well knew how excellent were the intentions of these knights who were thus labouring for the good estate of the realm; and therefore they were to make known whatever they thought ought to be corrected, and he would apply the desired remedy. The knights returned thanks to him, although they knew that he was treacherous. Then, entering Parliament, and standing around in their places, they deposed against Lord Latimer, the King’s Chamberlain, that he was unprofitable to the King and Kingdom, requiring upon this with great urgency that he should be deprived of his office, for that it was said he had often deceived the King and been false to him, not to say a traitor.

Meanwhile Richard Lyons, hearing that he was accused in the same way, and fearing for his skin, sent £1000 to the lord Prince Edward, with other gifts; for he thought by no means to save himself from peril of death, unless by the Prince’s intervention while he was alive. But in truth, if the lord Prince had lived, without doubt he would have received sentence of death as he deserved. But the Prince, weighing his villainy in the scales of justice, refused his gold, and sent back everything the said Richard had offered him, charging him to reap the fruits of his ways. . . . But Richard, seeing that the Prince rejected his bribes, sent them, and more copious ones, to the King, imploring his good favour, the which the King graciously accepted, saying in jest that he took them in part payment of the money owing to him — “Since,” he said, “this and much more is due to us from him, and he offers us nothing but what is our own.”

Lord Latimer went about among his friends seeking by prayers and gifts for some who should speak in his favour. 213 Whence the lord Nevill, coveting his goodwill and his money, haughtily challenged Sir Peter de la Mare and his friends as to their charges against Lord Latimer, saying that it was unseemly for so great a peer to be accused by such persons — for, in spite of their accusations, he would remain Lord Latimer, and a peer of the realm. And he added that perchance they might fall into the pit which they had digged. But Sir Peter replied, “Cease, my lord, to intercede for others, since it may be that you will shortly have difficulty in answering for yourself; for we have not yet had discussion concerning your person, nor have we yet touched upon your misdeeds. I assure you that you will soon have enough to do in your own case.” At these words, as though thunderstruck, Lord Nevill said no more, but silently awaited his own examination. And soon afterwards he was accused and removed from his office (for he was the King’s seneschal), being justly compelled to pay 1000 marks.

[The coming of the Heir Apparent into Parliament. (The Prince of Wales died on 8 June.)]

(Rolls of Parliament, ii. 330.) The commons humbly prayed our lord the King that it might please him, for the great comfort of the whole realm, to cause the noble boy Richard of Bordeaux, son and heir of the lord Edward, late the King’s son, and Prince of Wales, to come into Parliament, so that the lords and commons of the realm might see and honour him as very heir apparent of the realm. Which being granted, the said Richard came into Parliament before all the lords and commons on the Wednesday the morrow of St. John. . . .

And the Archbishop of Canterbury spoke by the King’s desire, saying that although the right noble and puissant Prince the lord Edward was departed . . . none the less the said Prince was as it were present and not absent, in 214 leaving behind him such a fair and noble son, who is his right image and very likeness. . . . And he said that this Richard, who was very heir apparent of the realm, as was his noble father the Prince, ought to be held among them, and all other the King’s lieges, in great honour and reverence. . . .

[Petitions in the Parliament. Ibid. ii. 333, 355. There were some 140 petitions in all.]

The commons pray that if any officer or other of the King’s Council be found in default, and be convicted thereof, or of deceit done to the King or his realm, he may be removed from office and from the King’s Council, without at any time being restored; for if any such officer be restored, he will oppress and ruin those who thus impeached him with all his power. . . .

Answer. Defaults shall henceforth be shown to the King and to the lords of his Great Council and if they seem to them such as to demand it, the King shall, with the advice of his Council, do such judgment as shall seem to him best to be done in such case.

Also, the commons pray that it may please him to establish by statute in this Parliament, that a Parliament shall be held every year, for the correction of errors and deceits, if any be found in the realm —

And that the knights of the shires for these Parliaments be chosen by common election, from the best people of the shires, and not returned by the sheriff alone without due election; upon a certain penalty —

And that in the same manner, the sheriffs of the shires be chosen from year to year, and not appointed by brocage in the King’s court, as they are wont, for their singular profit, and by procurement of maintainers of the district, to maintain their deceit and malice, and their false quarrels, as they have commonly done hitherto. . . .

Answer. Touching a Parliament every year, there are 215 statute and ordinances made upon this point, and be these duly held and kept; and as to the sheriffs, there is a bill already answered; and as to the article touching the election of knights to come to Parliament, the King wills that they be chosen by the common assent of the whole county.

[The Commons ask for the appointment of a Continual Council. Ibid. ii. 322.]

“The commons, considering the mischiefs of the land. . ., which is now burdened in divers manners by many adversities, as well by the wars of France, Spain, Ireland, Guienne, Brittany, and elsewhere, as otherwise; and that the officers who are accustomed to be near the King do not suffice, without others, for such great business of government — pray therefore that the King’s Council be afforced with lords of the land, prelates and others, to the number of 10 or 12, according to the King’s will, to remain there continually. In such manner that no important business pass through or be discharged without the assent and advice of all, and other lesser business be treated by the advice of 6 or 4 at least, according as the case require; so that at least 6 or 4 such councillors be continually resident at the King’s Council.”

And the King, understanding this request to be honourable and profitable to himself and the whole realm, granted it; provided always that the Chancellor, Treasurer, and all other the King’s officers may perform and finish the business touching their office without the presence of the said councillors, whom the King has appointed and will appoint from time to time of such as it shall please him. And it is ordained and agreed that the councillors now assigned, and to be assigned in future, shall be sworn to keep this ordinance, and to do justice to all according to their power. . . .

Also, . . . that whatever shall be counselled or ordained whereof report must needs be made to the King, to have 216 his advice or assent, that such report shall be made by the said councillors, or by two of them chosen by their common consent, and by no others.

And . . . that the Chancellor and Treasurer . . . and all other officers and ministers to whom its execution shall belong, shall make good and hasty execution . . . of each ordinance that shall be ordained by the counsel and advice of the King and the aforesaid councillors. . . . And if default be found in any of them, they shall incur the pain that shall be adjudged by the King and the continual councillors. . . .

(Ibid. ii 330, 6 July, 1376.) Also be it remembered that our lord the King, being at his manor of Eltham, in part in disease of his body, whereby he could not well travel in his own person, sent for the prelates, lords, and commons who were summoned to this Parliament to come to him . . . to hear the answers to the common petitions, and make an end of this present Parliament. And so the same prelates, lords, and commons came, and there were heard, for the greater part, the answers to their common petitions. . . And also the judgments of persons, and the ordinances made, as well of councillors, as others. . . . Wherefore they all heartily returned thanks to our lord the King.

[The work of this Parliament was immediately undone by John of Gaunt, the Duke of Lancaster, who dismissed the newly-appointed councillors, and restored to favour all those who had been impeached. Edward III died on 21 June, 1377.]

8.

[The Duke of Lancaster’s protest in the first Parliament of Richard II, October, 1377. “Rolls of Parliament,” iii. 5. (French.) A committee of lords had again been appointed at the common’s request, to advise them, of which the Duke of Lancaster was chosen a member.]

But the Duke, being in his place in Parliament, at once rose, and after bowing low to our lord the King, very 217 humbly prayed that he would hear him a little, for urgent cause touching himself and his own person. And he said that although the commons had thus chosen him for one of the lords to commune with them upon the aforesaid matters, none the less, if it pleased the King, he would not do so until he was excused of that which the commons had evilly spoken about him. For although he were unworthy, yet he was a King’s son, and one of the greatest lords of the realm after the King; and they had in such evil wise said that of his person, which, if it were true, which God forbid! would rightfully be held clear treason, that he would never care to do anything until the truth was distinctly known. And he said further, that none of his ancestors, of the one side or the other, was ever a traitor, but they were all good and loyal, and it would be a wondrous thing if he desired to turn aside from the line of his ancestors, as well by reason of nature as otherwise, for he had more to lose than any other in the realm. And that if any man, of whatever estate or condition were so bold as to wish to charge treason or other disloyalty upon him, he would be ready to defend himself by his body or otherwise, by the award of the King and the lords, as readily as the poorest batchelor of the realm.

Upon this all the prelates and lords rose and with one voice excused themselves, entreating the Duke to cease, for they thought there was no man living who could say such a thing; and the commons said that it was evident and notorious the they held him excused of all reproach and ill report, since they had thus chosen him to be their principal aid, comforter, and counsellor in this Parliament, all with one accord entreating him to hold them clear thereof.

The Duke replied that since such words had for a long time been falsely flying about the realm, he marvelled how that any man would begin or carry on such a thing, for 218 shame and peril that might arise thereby; for the man who first invented these tales, whereby debate might easily be provoked among the lords of the realm, was a very traitor, since such debate might turn to the destruction of the realm for ever. And he prayed for good ordinance and just and severe punishment to be ordained in this Parliament against such inventors of lies, to escape the aforesaid mischiefs in time to come; but that it be pardoned for time past, as for his own person.

9.

[Speech of Sir Peter de la Mare. Ibid. iii. 5. (French.)]

Then afterwards the commons came into Parliament before the King, and there Sir Peter de la Mare, knight, who spoke for the commons,1 made his protestation, that what he had to say he should not say of his own motion, but by the motion, assent, and express will of all the commons there present; and if it should happen that he erred in any point, or perchance said aught that was not with the assent of his companions, that it might at once be amended there by them, before they departed from that place —

[Sir Peter first complained of the decay of chivalry, the falling-off in military glory and success, and the general misgovernment, and continued: —]

. . . And because our lord the King, whom God preserve, is at present innocent and of tender age, the commons, for the amendment of the aforesaid mischiefs and the salvation of the realm, that is now in great peril, more than ever it was before, make prayer to the King and the lords of three things in especial — First, that it may please them to appoint in this present Parliament eight sufficient persons . . . to be continually in attendance at 219 the councils with the King’s officers, upon the business of the King and the realm; of such as have best knowledge, and are willing and able to labour most diligently for the amendment of these mischiefs, and the good government and salvation of the realm; in such wise that the commons may be distinctly certified of the names of those councillors, who shall have the spending and ordaining of what they will grant for the wars, and so the commons may have the better heart to do . . . that wherewith they are charged.

And also that it may please them to appoint in this present Parliament those who shall be about the King’s own person . . . and that these be of the most virtuous, upright, and sufficient in the realm, so that our lord the King, who is a person sacred and anointed, may be guided nobly and nurtured in good virtues. . . .

And that it may be ordained that our lord the King’s household be governed with good moderation, in expending only of the revenues of the realm and the other rights of his crown and lordships.

And that what shall now be granted for the maintenance of his war be expended upon the war, and not otherwise, in aid and discharge of his said commons.

Also that the common law, and the particular laws, statutes, and ordinances made before this time, for the common profit and good governance of the realm, be entirely ratified and confirmed, that by these they may be honestly governed.

— Entreating the lords of the realm that whatever shall be ordained in this Parliament be not repealed without Parliament; and that, — having consideration that the days are now short, and time is rapidly passing, and there must be speedy travail about the ordinance of the realm and the wars, or otherwise the Kingdom is undone, which God forbid! they will take counsel thereon, and give good and speedy answer; saving in all things the King’s 220 prerogative and dignity, whereto the commons desire not that prejudice in any wise be done, for their requests.

To this answer was given that the lords would take counsel together, the commons being commanded to return to their place, and treat of the other matters wherewith they were charged, between now and Thursday next; on which day they were commanded to return into Parliament2 to hear the answer to their requests.





NOTES


1   “Avait les paroles de par la commune.”

2   “Furent comandez a retourner en Parlement.”

10.

[The Parliament of Gloucester, October, 1378. “Rolls of Parliament,” iii. 33. (French.) No military successes were obtained during 1378, in connection either with the suggested naval operations or the expedition to Brittany; on the other hand renewed negotiations with John of Montfort and Charles of Navarre had resulted in giving the English occupation of Cherbourg and Brest. The Chancellor made a long opening speech, explaining the various dangers for which provision must be made.]

On the following Friday, that was the 22nd day of October, the prelates, lords, and commons, assembled in the Great Hall, and there Sir Richard le Scrope, Seneschal of the King’s household rose to speak, saying — that although he had not knowledge or worthiness for such a business in so high and noble a place, nevertheless, the King had commanded him to say what he was about to say. And he said — that true it is and clearly evident to all men that our lord the King and his realm of England, and his other lands and lordships are everywhere beset and surrounded by our enemies, who are increasing every day, as well in the parts of Scotland as elsewhere, in manner as my lord Chancellor explained to you yesterday better than I can set it before you; and [he showed you] how that at the present time there are open to us more fair and noble ports and means of entry for harassing our said enemies 221 than have been in the hands of the English for a long time past; to wit Cherbourg and Brest, to say nothing of Calais, Bordeaux, and Bayonne, which demand no small matter for their safe keeping, but a very great sum. . . . For our lord the King spends every year over £24,000 at Calais and in the marches, and at Brest full 12,000 marks; and now at Cherbourg a heavy outlay must needs be made; and at Bordeaux and Bayonne, for the safety thereof, and in the King’s lands and lordships in Guienne and elsewhere across the sea; also in Ireland, for the salvation and guarding of the same, apart from what must perforce be done touching the safe-guarding of the coast, which demands a great sum of money.

But perchance some of you will be inclined to take thought and marvel as to where and in what manner the two “fifteenths” of the laity and the two “tenths” of the clergy, granted in the last Parliament. . . . with the subsidy of wools, have been spent in such short time, and what has become of them — Whereto, my lords and sirs, I assure you as very truth, and call to witness the High Treasurer, and all the lords here present, that these two “fifteenths” and “tenths,” with the said subsidy, have been entirely expended upon the wars, and not elsewhere, by the hands of John Philpot and William Walworth, treasurers assigned, as you well know, for the war; without a single penny thereof coming into the hands of the King or his officers for his own use. And you must plainly know that henceforward, our lord the King cannot suffice — and no King in Christendom could suffice — to bear such heavy charges without the aid of his people. Therefore my lords, prelates and other peers to the realm, the King prays you right earnestly that you will take counsel together by yourselves; and you too, sirs, the knights, citizens and burgesses, by yourselves — as to how best one can resist the malice and false scheming of his enemies. 222 . . . And as to whence what must needs be spent is to be raised with the least burden to his loyal people. . . .

Then afterwards the commons returned before the King and the lords of the realm in Parliament, and there Sir James Pickering, knight, who was spokesman on behalf of the commons, making his protestation . . . briefly rehearsed the articles and charges given them by the King [saying]

. . . “And as for that our lord the King asks aid of his commons for the expenses that must be applied for the defence of the realm and his other lordships, lands and strong places abroad, and the exploit of his wars — the commons say that at the last Parliament the same matter was shown to them clearly enough on the King’s behalf, at which time the commons replied that it seemed to them, and it was indeed evident, that our lord the King was not in such great need as they were told; for since he had in his hands all the alien priories, the subsidy of wools, the revenues of the realm, the lands and lordships of his noble father the Prince, and of many other great lords of the realm by the nonage of their heirs (wherefrom great revenues arise every year) there must have been great plenty of money in the treasury. Whereto answer was then made by the King’s council that, although it was true that he had these lordships in his hands, his recent coronation had been a great expense, and in any case the money . . . could not be raised speedily enough for an expedition in the coming season. But if he were then aided with a good sum, wherewith he might make a great expedition . . . in destruction of his enemies at that time, which would be his beginning in the first year of his reign, then they trusted that he would afterwards have in his hands enough money to maintain the war and defend his realm — Wherefore, say the commons of England, trusting in this promise, to wit, of being discharged of tallages for a 223 long time to come, the commons then granted the greatest sum that was ever given to any King in the realm. . . .

“And it seems to them, for anything that has yet been done, that since this great sum was granted and raised, part thereof (beyond what was spent upon the last expedition on the sea) and of the other subsidies, revenues, and profits, should be in the King’s treasury: wherefore he should not now have need to burden his commons again, who are now poorer than every they were in times past. . . Therefore they entreat the King that he may please, for God’s sake, to hold them excused for this time; for to say truth, even though he had in face great need of their aid, they could not now bear any charge, for sheer poverty.”

To this Sir Richard le Scrope replied, by the King’s command . . . protesting that he knew of no such promise made in the last Parliament — “that what the commons say is not true, to wit, that great part of the last subsidy is still in the Treasury; for it is notorious that every penny arising therefrom . . . has been received by the hands of William Walworth and John Philpot, citizens of London, treasurers assigned and sworn in the last Parliament . . . moreover, as they say, they have spent every penny upon the wars. . . .”

Upon this the commons, having deliberated for a little, requested the King that it might please him to let it be shown to them how, and in what manner, the aforesaid great sums of money . . . were spent . . . and also, that they might be certified of the names of those who should be the Great Officers of the realm and the King’s councillors and governors of his person for the coming year, while he is of tender age, in manner as was formerly ordained in Parliament.

To this Sir Richard answered that although it was hitherto unknown that account should afterwards be rendered to 224 the commons of a subsidy or other grant made to the King in or out of Parliament by the commons, or to any save to the King and his officers; nevertheless the King willed and commanded, by his own motion, not as of right or by compulsion . . . that the said William Walworth then present, with certain others of the council, appointed for this should show them the receipts and expenses clearly in writing, on the understanding that this should not be drawn into an example or consequence in future . . . and [he said] “our lord the King commands and charges you, entreating you, as do all the lords here present, that — considering the great perils on all sides, and that maintenance of the war outside the realm has been clearly enough proved before now, by pure reason, to be the best and necessary defence for the whole realm (the which defence touches not only our lord the King but all and each of you), and herein you cannot separate one from the other, in expenditure or otherwise — you will take counsel as to how . . . the said wars and defences can be supported, giving your favourable answer as speedily as you may, so that this Parliament may be well ended, in ease of the King and the lords and yourselves, and in discharge of the poor commons who are paying your expenses every day during this Parliament.”

And the commons . . . also prayed that five or six of the prelates and lords might come to the commons, to treat and commune with them upon the said charges. Whereto the lords made answer, that they would not and ought not to do this; for such manner was never before seen in any Parliament, save in the three Parliaments last past. But they said, and confessed, that it had been wont that the lords should choose a certain small number, six or ten, of themselves, and the commons another such small number of themselves, and that these lords and commons so chosen should talk together, in easy manner, without murmur, 225 shouting, or noise. And thus they would soon come to some certain good purpose, by motion made among them, and this purpose would be further reported to their companions, of the one part and the other. In such manner the lords would now act, and no otherwise; for they said that if the commons wished to remain all together without separating, the lords too would act without dividing.

Whereupon the commons readily agreed to choose certain lords and commons, in small and reasonable number, in manner as had been wont in former times.

And after the commons had seen and examined the aforesaid enrolment, and the receipts and expenditure of the money arising from the subsidy . . . they returned again into Parliament, rehearsing the same matter as they had done before; and also, how that the expenditure upon the last expedition pleased them well, as a thing honourably done. . . . But they said that the war treasurers, according to their account had expended some £46,000 sterling upon the safe-keeping of certain districts, places, and fortresses, not pertaining to the charge of the commons; to wit, part in the march of Calais, part at Brest, Cherbourg, in Gascony and Ireland, and also part upon certain ambassadors to Flanders, Lombardy, Navarre, and Scotland; and part touching the bringing of the King of Scots’ ransom. . . . They said that these charges did not pertain to them, nor to the defence of the realm, but were all outside it; wherefore it seemed to them that they ought not to bear or sustain these foreign charges, even if they could support any. But they were answered, “Gascony, and the other strong places that our lord the King has beyond sea are and should be, as it were, barbicans of the realm; and if these barbicans be well guarded, with the safe-keeping of the sea, it will be well enough at peace. But otherwise we shall never have quiet nor peace form our enemies, for then they would make war upon us at our very doors, 226 which God forbid. Moreover by these barbicans, our lord the King has good ports and good way of entry upon his enemies to harass them. Therefore in all reason you should cease such words.”

[Eventually a subsidy on wool was granted for three years, with a further increase of 13s. 4d. per sack; and an additional subsidy on imports and exports.]







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