ALTHOUGH the customs which I am about to detail at once, grew gradually up under the various circumstances of different centuries, and were for the most part unknown to the infancy of chivalry, I think it right to notice here the principal peculiarities of the institution, rather than to interrupt the course of my narrative afterwards, when the history of knighthood may be traced continuously down to its final extinction.
We have already seen that each individual member of the order possessed the power of admitting any other person to its honours without restraint; but it did not by any means follow that all previous trial and education was dispensed with. Very soon after the first institution of Chivalry, every one became covetous of the distinction, and it naturally followed that the object of each boy’s aspirations, the aim of every young man’s ambition, was one day to be a knight. Those, however, who had already received the order, were scrupulously careful to admit none within its fellowship who might disgrace the sword that dubbed them; 17 and knighthood gradually became as much the reward of a long and tedious education, as the bonnet of the doctor or the stole of the clerk.
The feudal system had now reached its acme; and each individual lord, within his own domain, assumed the state and importance of a prince. With the vain spirit of ostentatious imitation, which unhappily is common to all climes and all centuries, the great feudatories of the crown copied the household of the sovereign, and the petty barons imitated them. Each had his crowd of officers and squires, and pages, and varlets. Even the monasteries and the abbeys affected the same pomp and ceremonial, so that we find the abbot of St. Denis riding1 forth accompanied by his chamberlain and marshal, whose offices were held as feofs.
The manor or the castle of each feudal chieftain, however, soon became the school of Chivalry, and any noble youth, whose parents were either dead or too poor to educate him to the art of war, was willingly received in the dwelling of a neighbouring baron, who took care that his pupil should be instructed in all military exercises, glad to attach to his own person as large a body of armed retainers as his circumstances would permit.
Till they reached the age of seven years the youths, afterwards destined to arms, were left to care of the females of the household, who taught them the first principles of religion and of Chivalry. They were then in general sent from home, those fathers even, who possessed the means of conducting their education themselves, preferring to intrust it to some other noble knight who could be biassed2 by no parental tenderness to spare the young aspirant to Chivalry any of those trials and hardships absolutely necessary to prepare him for his after career.
18On entering the household of another knight, the first place filled by the youths, then fresh from all the soft kindnesses of home, was that of page or varlet, which, though it implied every sort of attendance on the person of their new lord, was held as honourable, not degrading.
Here they still remained3 much amongst the women of the family, who undertook to complete their knowledge of their duty to God and their lady, instilling into their infant minds that refined and mystic idea of love, which was so peculiar a trait in the Chivalry of old. In the mean while the rest of their days were passed in the service of their lord, accompanying him in his excursions, serving him at table, pouring out his drink; all of which offices being shared in by the children and young relations of the baron himself,4 were reckoned, as I have said, highly honourable, and formed the first step in the ascent to Chivalry.
At the same time infinite pains were bestowed upon the education of these pages. They were taught all sorts of gymnastic exercises which could strengthen the body; and, by continually mingling with the guests of the castle, receiving them on their arrival, offering them every sort of service, and listening respectfully to the conversation of their elders, they acquired that peculiar grace of manner which, under the name of courtesy, formed a principal perfection in the character of the true knight.
At fourteen the page was usually admitted to the higher grade of squire, and exchanged his short dagger for the manly sword. This, however, was made a religious ceremony; and the weapon which he was in future to wear, was laid upon the altar, from whence it was taken by the priest,5 and after several benedictions, was hung over the shoulder of the new squire, with many a sage caution and instruction as to its use.
19His exercises now became more robust than they had ever been before; and, if we are to believe the old biographer of the celebrated Boucicaut, they were far more fatiguing than any man of the present age could endure. To spring upon horseback armed at all pieces, without putting a foot in the stirrup; to cast somersets in heavy armour6 for the purpose of strengthening the arms; to leap upon the shoulders of a horseman from behind, without other hold than one hand laid upon his shoulder — such, and many others, were the daily exercises of the young noble, besides regular instruction in riding and managing his arms. Though it would seem at first that few constitutions could undergo for any length of time such violent exertions, we must remember the effects produced — we must call to mind that these very men in their afterlife, are found bearing a weight, that few persons of the present times could lift, through the heat of a whole summer’s day, under the burning suns of Palestine. We must remember the mighty feats of strength that these men performed; and, when we see a Boemond fighting from noon to sunset cased from head to foot in thick iron, or in long after days a Guise swimming against a torrent armed cap-a-pie, we must naturally conclude that no ordinary course of training could produce such vigour and hardihood.
Several degrees of squires, or esquires, are mentioned in the ancient chronicles; and it is difficult to distinguish which class included the young noble — which was filled by an inferior race. That there was a distinction is evident; for in the life of Bayard7 we find an old squire mentioned more than once, from whom he received instructions, but who never appears to have aspired to any higher degree. Nevertheless it is equally certain that many services which we should consider 20 menial, were performed by the squires of the highest race about the persons of their lords. Nor was this confined to what might be considered military services, for we learn that they not only held the stirrup for their lord to mount, and then followed, carrying his helm, his lance, his shield, or his gauntlets; but they continued to served him at table, to clean his armour, to dress his horses, and to fulfill a thousand other avocations, in which they were aided, it is true, by the gros varlets or common servants, but which they still had their share in accomplishing with their own hands.8 The highest class of esquires, however, was evidently the écuyer d‘honneur who, from the manner of Froissart’s mention of many at the court of the Count de Foix, appears to have had in charge the reception and entertainment of guests and strangers.
The squires of course had often more important duties to perform. It was for them to follow their lords to the battle-field; and, while the knights, formed in a long line, fought hand to hand against their equals, the squires remained watching eagerly the conflict, and ready to drag their master from the mélee, to cover him if he fell, to supply him with fresh arms, and in short, to lend him every aid; without, however, presuming to take an active part against the adverse knights, with whose class it was forbidden for a squire to engage.
St. Palaye limits to these defensive operations the services of the squires in the field of battle;9 and it is possible that the strict laws of Chivalry might justify such a restriction. Nevertheless there can be no earthly doubt that they were often much more actively engaged, even in the purest days of Chivalry. In all the wars between Richard Cœur de Lion, and Philip Augustus,10 we find them often fighting bravely; and 21 at the battle of Bovines, a squire had nearly taken the life of the famous Count de Boulogne.
These services in the field perfected the aspirant to Chivalry in the knowledge of his profession; and the trials of skill which, on the day that preceded a tournament, were permitted to squires, in the lists, gave him an opportunity of distinguishing himself in the eyes of the people, and of gaining a name amongst the heralds and chroniclers of knightly deeds.
If a noble squire had conducted himself well during the period of his service, it seldom occurred that his lord refused to bestow upon him the honour of knighthood at the age of twenty-one; and sometimes, if he had been distinguished by any great or gallant feat, or by uniform talent and courage,11 he was admitted into the order before he had reached that age. This, nevertheless, was rare, except in the case of sovereign princes; and on the contrary it occasionally happened that a knight, who did not choose to part so soon with a favourite squire, would delay on various pretences a ceremony which almost always caused some separation between the young knight and his ancient master.12
The squire, however, had always the right to claim the knighthood from the hand of another, if his lord unjustly refused to bestow it; and that high sense of honour, which was their great characteristic, prevented the knights thus applied to from ever refusing, when the aspirant was fully justified in his claim.
The times chosen for conferring knighthood were generally either those of great military ceremony,13 as after tournaments, cours pléniéres, the muster, or monstre, as it was called of the army, or on days consecrated by the church to some peculiar solemnity, as Easter-day, the day of Pentecost, or even Christmas-day.14
This was, nevertheless, by no means imperative, for 22 we have already seen that knighthood was often conferred on any particular emergency, and even on the field of battle.15 On these occasions the forms were of course abridged to suit the necessity of the case, but the knighthood was not the less valid or esteemed.
The more public and solemn the ceremony could be made the more it appeared to the taste of the nobles of the middle ages. Nor was the pomp and display without its use, raising and dignifying the order in the eyes of the people, and impressing deeply upon the mind of the young knight the duties which he had voluntarily taken upon himself. We all know how much remembrance depends upon external circumstance, and it is ever well to give our feelings some fixed resting-place in the waste of life, that in after years memory may lead us back and refresh the resolutions and bright designs of youth by the aid of the striking scenes and solemn moments in which those designs and resolutions were first called into activity. Nothing could be better calculated to make a profound impression on the mind than the ceremonies of a knight’s reception in the mature times of Chivalry.
On the day appointed,16 all the knights and nobles, at that time in the city, where the solemnity was to be performed, with the bishops and clergy, each covered with the appropriate vestments of his order, the knight in his coat-of-arms, and the bishop in his stole, conducted the aspirant to the principal church of the place. There, after the high mass had been chanted, the novice approached the altar and presented the sword to the bishop or priest, who taking it from his hand blessed and consecrated it to the service of religion and virtue.
It often happened that the bishop then 23 solemnly warned the youth of the difficulties and requisites of the order to which he aspired. “He who seeks to be a knight” — said the Bishop of Valenciennes to the young Count of Ostrevant on one of these occasions,17 “He who wishes to be a knight should have great qualities. He must be of noble birth, liberal in gifts, high in courage, strong in danger, secret in council, patient in difficulties, powerful against enemies, prudent in his deeds. He must also swear to observe the following rules: To undertake nothing without having heard mass fasting; to spare neither his blood nor his life in defence of the Catholic faith; to give aid to all widows and orphans; to undertake no war without just cause; to favour no injustice, but to protect the innocent and oppressed; to be humble in all things; to seek the welfare of those placed under him; never to violate the rights of his sovereign, and to live irreprehensibly before God and man.”
The bishop then taking his joined hands in his own placed them on the missal, and received his oath to follow the statutes laid down to him, after which his father advancing dubbed him a knight.
At other times it occurred that, when the sword had been blessed, the novice18 carried it to the knight who was to be his godfather in Chivalry, and kneeling before him plighted his vow to him. After this the other knights, and often the ladies present, advanced, and completely armed the youth, sometimes beginning with one piece of the armour, sometimes another. St. Palaye declares that the spurs were always buckled on before the rest, but in the history of Geoffrey, Duke of Normandy, we find the corslet and the greaves mentioned first, and the spear and sword last.
After having been armed, the novice still remained upon his knees before his godfather in arms, who then 24 rising from his seat bestowed upon him the accolade, as it was called, which consisted generally of three blows of the naked sword upon the neck or shoulder. Sometimes it was performed by a blow given with the palm of the hand upon the cheek of the novice, which was always accompanied by some words, signifying that the ceremony was complete, and the squire had now become a knight.
The words which accompanied the accolade were generally, when the kings of France bestowed the honour, “In the name of God, St. Michael, and St. George, I make thee knight; be loyal, bold, and true.”
Sometimes to the blow were joined the words,19 “Bear this blow and never bear another,” and sometimes was added the more Christian admonition to humility. “Remember that the Saviour of the world was buffeted and scoffed.”20
Whatever was its origin the custom was a curious one, and bore a strong resemblance to the ceremony of manumission amongst the Romans, who, on freeing a slave, struck him a slight blow, which Claudian happily enough terms felicem injuriam. I do not, however, intend to insinuate that the one custom was derived from the other, though, perhaps, the fact of a serf becoming free if his lord struck him with any instrument,21 except such as were employed in his actual labour, may have been, in some degree, a vestige of the Roman law in this respect, which we know descended entire to many of the barbarous nations.
However that may be, after having submitted to the blow which ended his servitude as a squire, the new knight was decorated with his casque, which had hitherto been held beside him, and then proceeding to the door of the church, or of the castle, 25 where his knighthood had been bestowed, he sprang upon his horse and showed himself armed in the principal places of the city, while the heralds proclaimed his name and vaunted his prowess.22
As long vigils, fast, prayers, and confessions, had preceded and accompanied the admission of the new knight, festivals, banquets, and tournaments followed.23 The banquets and the festivals, as common to all ages, though differing in each, I will pass over: suffice it, that one of the strictest laws of Chivalry forbade gluttony and intemperance.
The tournament, as a purely chivalrous institution, I must mention; though so much has been already written on the subject, that I could have wished to pass it over in silence. The most complete description ever given of a tournament is to be found in the writings of one whose words are pictures; and if I dared but copy into this place the account of the passage of arms in Ivanhoe, I should be enabled to give a far better idea of what such a scene really was, than all the antiquarian researches in my power will afford.
All military nations, from the earliest antiquity, have known and practised various athletic games in imitation of warfare; and we of course find amongst the Franks various exercises of the kind from the very first records which we have of that people. Nithard,24 however, gives an elaborate picture of these mock-fights as practised in the reigns succeeding Charlemagne; and we find but little resemblance to the tournament. Four equal bands of Saxons, Gascons, Austrasians, and Armoricans (or Britons,25 as they are there called) met together in an open place, and, while the populace stood round as spectators, pursued each other, in turn, brandishing their arms, and seeming 26 fiercely to seek the destruction of their adversaries. When this had proceeded for some time, Louis and Charles (the two monarchs in whose history the description is given) suddenly rushed into the field with all their choice companions, and, with quivering lances and loud cries, followed, now one, now another, of the parties, who took care to fly before their horses.
The first authentic mention of a tournament26 is to be found in the Chronicle of Tours, which records the death of Geoffrey de Priuli in 1066; adding the words qui torneamenta invenit — who invented tournaments. From the appearance27 of these exercises in Germany,28 about the same time, we may conclude that this date is pretty nearly correct; and that if tournaments were not absolutely invented at that precise period, they were then first regulated by distinct laws.
In England29 they did not appear till several years later, when the Norman manners introduced after the conquest had completely superseded the customs of the Saxons.
Thus much has seemed necessary to me to say concerning the origin of tournaments, as there are so many common fables on the subject which give far greater antiquity to the exercise than that which it is entitled to claim.
The ceremonies and the splendour of the tournament of course differed in different ages and different countries; but the general principle was the same. It was a chivalrous game, originally instituted for practicing those exercises, and acquiring that skill which was likely to be useful in knightly warfare.
A tournament was usually given upon the occasion of any great meeting, for either military or political 27 purposes. Sometimes it was the king himself who sent his heralds through the land to announce to all noblemen and ladies, that on a certain day he would hold a grand tournament, where all brave knights might try their prowess. At other times a tournament was determined on by a body of independent knights; and messengers were often sent into distant countries to invite all gallant gentlemen to honour the passage of arms.
The spot fixed upon for the lists was usually in the immediate neighbourhood of some abbey or castle, where the shields of the various30 cavaliers who purposed combating were exposed to view for several days previous to the meeting. A herald was also placed beneath the cloisters to answer all questions concerning the champions, and to receive all complaints against any individual knight. If, upon investigation, the kings of arms and judges of the field found that a just accusation was laid against one31 of the knights proposing to appear, a peremptory command excluded him from the lists; and if he dared in despite thereof to present himself, he was driven forth with blows and ignominy.
Round about the field appointed for the spectacle were raised galleries, scaffoldings, tents,32 and pavilions, decorated with all the magnificence of a luxurious age. Banners and escutcheons, and bandrols; silks and cloth of gold, covered the galleries and floated round the field; while all that rich garments and precious stones, beauty and youth, could do to outshine the inanimate parts of the scene, was to be found amongst the spectators. Here too was seen the venerable age of Chivalry — all those old knights whose limbs were no longer competent to bear the weight of arms, surrounding the field to view the prowess of their children and judge the deeds of the day. Heralds and 28 pursuivants, in the gay and many-coloured garments which they peculiarly affected, fluttered over the field, and bands of warlike music were stationed near to animate the contest and to salute the victors.
The knights, as they appeared in the lists, were greeted by the heralds and the people33 according to their renown; but the approbation of the female part of the spectators was the great stimulus to all the Chivalry of the field. Each knight, as a part of his duty, either felt or feigned himself in love; and it was upon these occasions that his lady might descend from the high state to which the mystic adoration of the day had raised her, and bestow upon her favored champion a glove, a ribbon, a bracelet,34 a jewel, which, borne on his crest through the hard-contested field, was the chief object of his care, and the great excitement to his valour.
Often, too, in the midst of the combat, if accident or misfortune deprived the favoured knight of the gage of his lady’s affection, her admiration or her pity won her to supply another token, sent by a page or squire, to raise again her lover’s resolution, and animate him to new exertions.
The old romance of Perce-forest gives a curious picture of the effects visible after a tournament, by the eagerness with which the fair spectators had encouraged the knights. “At the close of the tournament,” says the writer, “the ladies were so stripped of their ornaments, that the greater part of them were bareheaded. Thus they went their ways with their hair floating on their shoulders more glossy than fine gold, and with their robes without the sleeves, for they had given to the knights to decorate themselves, wimples and hoods, mantles and shifts, sleeves and bodies. When they found themselves undressed to such a pitch, they were at first quite ashamed; but 29 as soon as they saw every one was in the same state, they began to laugh at the whole adventure, for they had all bestowed their jewels and their clothes upon the knights with so good a will, that they had not perceived that they uncovered themselves.
This is probably an exaggerated account of the enthusiasm which the events of a tournament excited in the bosom of the fair ladies of that day: but still, no doubt can be entertained, that they not only decorated their knights before the tournament with some token of their approbation, but in the case of its loss, often sent him even a part of their dress in the midst of the conflict.
The other spectators, also, though animated by less thrilling interests, took no small share in the feelings and hopes of the different parties. Each blow of the lance or sword, struck well and home, was greeted with loud acclamations; and valour met with both its incitement and its reward, in the expecting silence and the thundering plaudits with which each good champion’s movements were waited for and seen.
In the mean while, without giving encouragement to any particular knight, the heralds strove to animate all by various quaint and characteristic exclamations, such as “The love of ladies!” “Death to the horses!” “Honour to the brave!” “Glory to be won by blood and sweat!” “Praise to the sons of the brave!”
It would occupy too much space to enter into all the details of the tournament, or to notice all the laws by which it was governed. Every care was taken that the various knights should meet upon equal terms; and many a precaution was made use of to prevent accidents, and to render the sports both innocent and useful. But no regulations could be found sufficient to guard against the dangerous consequences of such furious amusements; and Ducange gives a long list of princes and nobles who lost their lives in these fatal exercises. The church often interfered, though 30 in vain, to put them down; and many monarchs forbade them in their dominions; but the pomp with which they were accompanied, and the excitement that they afforded to a people fond of every mental stimulus, rendered them far more permanent than might have been expected.
The weapons in tournaments were in almost all cases restrained to blunted swords and headless spears, daggers, and battle-axes; but, as may well be imagined, these were not to be used without danger; so that even those festivals that passed by without the absolute death of any of the champions, left, nevertheless, many to drag out a maimed and miserable existence, or to die after a long and weary sickness. And yet the very peril of the sport gave to it an all-powerful interest, which we can best conceive, at present, from our feelings at some deep and thrilling tragedy.
After the excitement, and the expectation, and the suspense, and the eagerness, came the triumph and the prize — and the chosen queen of the field bestowed upon the champion whose feats were counted best, that reward, the value of which consisted more in the honour than the thing itself. Sometimes it was a jewel,35 sometimes a coronet36 of flowers or of laurel; but in all cases the award implied a right to one kiss from the lips of the lady appointed to bestow the prize. It seems to have been as frequent a practice to assign this prize on the field, as in the chateau37 or palace whither the court retired after the sports were concluded: and we often find that the female part of the spectators were called to decide upon the merits of the several champions, and to declare the victor38 as well as confer the reward. Mirth and festivity ever closed the day of the tournament, and song and sports brought in the night.
Every thing that could interest or amuse a barbarous 31 age was collected on the spot where one of these meetings was held. The minstrel or menestrier, the juggler, the saltimbank, the story-teller, were present in the hall to sooth or to entertain; but still the foundation of tale and song was Chivalry; — the objects of all praise were noble deeds and heroic actions; and the very voice of love and tenderness, instead of seducing to sloth and effeminacy, was heard prompting to activity, to enterprise, and to honour — to the defence of virtue, and the search for glory.
It may be here necessary to remark, that there were several sorts of tournaments, which differed essentially from each other; but I shall not pause upon these any longer than merely to point out the particular differences between them. The joust, which was certainly a kind of tournament, was always confined to two persons, though these persons encountered each other with blunted arms.39
The combat at outrance was in fact a duel, and only differed from the trial by battle in being voluntary, while the other was enforced by law. This contest was often the event of private quarrels, but was by no means always so; and, to use the language of Ducange, “though mortal, it took place ordinarily between persons who most frequently did not know each other, or at least had no particular misunderstanding, but who sought alone to show forth their courage, generosity, and skill in arms.” Sometimes, however, the combat at outrance was undertaken by a number of knights40 together, and often much blood was thus shed, without cause.
The pas d‘armes or passage of arms, differed from general tournaments, inasmuch as a certain number of knights fixed their shields and tents in a particular pass, or spot of ground, which they declared their 32 intention to defend against all comers.41 The space before their tents was generally listed in, as for a tournament; and, during the time fixed for the defence of the passage, the same concourse of spectators, heralds, and minstrels were assembled.
The round table was another distinct sort of tournament,42 held in a circular amphitheatre, wherein the knights invited jousted against each other. The origin of this festival, which was held, I believe, for the last time by Edward III., is attributed to Roger Mortimer,43 who, on receiving knighthood, feasted a hundred knights and a hundred ladies at a round table. The mornings were spent in chivalrous games, the prize of which was a golden lion, and the evenings in banquets and festivities. This course of entertainments continued three days with the most princely splendour; after which Mortimer, having won the prize himself, conducted his guests to Warwick, and dismissed them.
From this account, taken from the History of the Priory of Wigmore, Menestrier deduces that those exercises, called “round tables,” were only tournaments, during which the lord or sovereign giving the festival entertained his guests at a table which, to prevent all ceremony in respect to precedence, was in the form of a circle. Perhaps, however, this institution may have had a different and an earlier origin, though I find in mentioned in no author before the year 1279.44
Chivalry, which in its pristine purity knew no reward but honour, soon — as it became combined with power — appropriated to itself various privileges which, injuring its simplicity, in the end brought about its 33 fall. In the first place the knight was, by the fact of his Chivalry, the judge of all his equals, and consequently of his inferiors.45 He was also, in most cases, the executor of his own decree, and it would indeed have required a different nature from humanity to secure such a jurisdiction from frequent perversion. The knight46 also took precedence of all persons who had not received Chivalry, a distinction well calculated to do away with that humility which was one of knighthood’s strictest laws.47 Added to this was the right of wearing particular dresses and colours, gold and jewels, which were restrained to the knightly class by very severe ordinances. Scarlet and green were particularly reserved for the order of knighthood, as well as ermine, minever, and some other furs. Knights also possessed what was called privilege of clergy, that is to say, in case of accusation they could claim to be tried before the ecclesiastical judge.48 Their arms were legally forbidden to all other classes, and the title of Sire, Monseigneur, Sir, Don, &c., were applied to them alone, till the distinction was lost in the course of time.
Though these privileges changed continually, and it is scarcely possible to say what age gave birth to any one of them, yet it is evident that monarchs, after they had seen the immense influence which Chivalry might have on their own power, and had striven to render it an engine for their own purposes, took every care to secure all those rights and immunities to the order which could in some degree balance the hardships, fatigues, and dangers, inevitably attendant upon it, and supply the place of that enthusiasm which of course grew fainter as the circumstances which excited it changed, and the objects which it sought were accomplished.
34It is probable that there would always have been many men who would have coveted Chivalry for the sole purpose of doing good, and protecting the innocent; but monarchs sought to increase the number of knights as a means of defending their realms and extending their power, and consequently they supplied other motives and external honours as an inducement to those persons of a less exalted mind.
Chivalry was indeed a distinction not to be enjoyed without many and severe labours. The first thing after receiving knighthood was generally a long journey49 into foreign countries, both for the purpose of jousting with other knights, and for instruction in every sort of chivalrous knowledge. There the young knight studied carefully the demeanour of every celebrated champion he met, and he strove to glean the excellencies of each. Thus he learned of courtesy and grace, and thus he heard all the famous exploits of the day which, borne from court to court by these chivalrous travellers, spread the fame of great deeds from one end of the world to the other.50
It cannot be doubted that this practice of wandering armed through Europe gave great scope to licentiousness in those who were naturally ill-disposed; and many a cruelty and many a crime was assuredly committed by that very order instituted to put down vice and to protect innocence. To guard against this the laws of Chivalry were most severe;51 and as great power was intrusted to the knight, great was the shame and dishonour if he abused it. The oath taken in the first place was as strictly opposed to every vice, as any human promise could be, and the first principle of chivalrous honour was never to violate an engagement. I must here still repeat the remark, that it was the spirit which constituted 35 the Chivalry, and as the spirit waned, Chivalry died away.
One of the most curious institutions of Chivalry was that which required a knight, on his return from any expedition,52 to give a full and minute account to the heralds, or officers of arms, of all his adventures during his absence, without reserved or concealment: telling as well his reverses and discomfitures, as his honours and success. To do this he was bound by oath; and the detail thus given was registered by the herald, who by such relations learned to know and estimate the worth and prowess of each individual knight. It served also to excite other adventurers to great deeds in imitation of those who acquired fame and honour; and it afforded matter of consolation to the unfortunate, who in those registers must ever have met with mishaps to equal or surpass their own.
The spirit of Chivalry, however, led to a thousand deeds and habits not required nor regulated by any law. Were two armies opposed to each other, or even encamped in the neighbourhood of each other, though at peace,53 the knights would continually issue forth singly form the ranks to challenge any other champion to come out, and break a lance in honour of his lady. Often before a castle, or on the eve of a battle, a knight would vow to some holy saint never to quit the field, or abandon the siege, till death or victory ended his design. Frequently, too, we find that in the midst of some great festival, where all the Chivalry of the land was assembled, a knight would suddenly appear, bearing in his hands54 a peacock, a heron, or some other bird. Presenting it in turn to each noble in the assembly, he would then demand their oath upon that bird to do some great feat of arms against the enemy. No 36 knight dared to refuse, and the vow so taken was irrevocable and never broken.
One of the most extraordinary customs of Chivalry, and also one of the most interesting, was the adoption of a brother in arms.55
This custom56 seems to have taken its rise in England, and was in common use especially amongst the Saxons. After the Conquest, however, it rapidly spread to other nations, and seems to have been a favourite practice with the crusaders. Esteem and long companionship were the first principles of this curious sort of alliance, which bound one knight to another by ties more strict than those of blood itself.
It is true the brotherhood in arms was often contracted but for a time, or under certain circumstances,57 which once passed by, the engagement was at an end; but far oftener it was a bond for life, uniting interests and feelings, and dividing dangers and successes. The brothers in arms58 met all perils together, undertook all adventures in company, shared in the advantage of every happy enterprise, and partook of the pain or loss of every misfortune. If the one was attacked in body, in honour, or in estate, the other sprang forward to defend him. Their wealth, and even their thoughts, were in common; so that the news which the one received, or the design that he formed, he was bound to communicate to the other without reserve. Even if the one underlay a wager of battle59 against any other knight, and was cut off by death before he could discharge himself thereof, his brother in arms was bound to appear in the lists, in defence of his honour, on the day appointed.
Sometimes60 this fraternity of arms was contracted 37 by a solemn deed; sometimes by a vow ratified by the communion and other ceremonies of the church. In many cases,61 however, the only form consisted in the mutual exchange of arms, which implied the same devotion to each other, and the same irrevocable engagement.
I have now said sufficient concerning the habits and customs of the ancient knights, to give a general idea of the rules by which Chivalry was governed, and the spirit by which it was animated. That spirit waxed fainter, it is true, as luxury and pomp increased, and as the barbarities of an early age merged into the softer licentiousness that followed.
But the rules of the order themselves remained unchanged, and did far more than any other institution to restrain the general incontinence62 of the age. Even in those days, when chivalrous love was no longer pure, and chivalrous religion no longer the spring of the noblest morality, the spirit of the days of old lingered amidst the ruins of the falling institution. An Edward, a Du Guesclin, a Bayard, a Sidney, would rise up in the midst of corrupted times, and shame the vices of the day by showing one more true knight; and even now, when the order has altogether passed away, we feel and benefit by its good effects.
So complete a change has come over manners and customs, so rapid has been our late progress, and so many and vast have been the events of latter years, that to trace the remains of Chivalry in any of our present feelings or institutions, seems but a theoretical dream. The knights of old are looked upon as things apart, that have neither kin nor community with ourselves; their acts are hardly believed; and their very existence is doubted. Let him, who would make 38 historical remembrance more tangible, and see how nearly the days of Chivalry approach to our own, run his eye over one short page in the chronology of the world, and he will find, that no more than three centuries have passed, since Bayard himself died, a knight without reproach.
1 Felibien, Hist. St. Denis.
2 Coutumes de Beauvoisis.
3 St. Palaye.
4 Vie de Bayard.
5 Favin Théâtre.
6 Vie de Boucicaut, Coll. Pelitot et Momerque.
7 Vie de Bayard.
8 Froissart.
9 St. Palaye, liv. i.
10 Guillaume Guiart.; Guill. Amoric.; Rigord; Philipeid.
11 Brantome.
13 Charles Nodier’s Annotations on St. Palaye.
14 Ducange, Dissert. xxii. Menestrier, chap. 2; St. Palaye.
15 Roman de Garin, Fabliaux, vol. ii.
16 Menestrier, chap. 2, and 9.
17 Menestrier, chap. 9.
18 St. Palaye.
19 Hartknoch, liv. ii. c. 1.
20 Existing Orders of Knighthood.
21 Cappefigue.
22 Menestrier, ix.; St. Palaye.
23 Adré Favin Théât.
24 Nithard, lib. iii.
25 Britannarum is the word.
26 Ducange and Chron. Tur. an. 1066.
27 Munster. Geogr. lib. iii.
28 Ducange, in his sixth dissertation, has satisfactorily overturned the assertion made by Modius, that tournaments were known in Germany at a much earlier period than here stated.
29 Ducange, Dissert. vii.
30 Menestrier Origine.
31 Favin Théâtre.
32 St. Palaye.
33 St. Palaye.
34 Vie de Bayard.
35 Vie de Bayard.
36 Olivier de la Marche.
37 Ducange, Dissert. vii.
38 St. Palaye.
39 Ducange, Dissert. vii.
40 Mat. Paris. Ann. 1241.
41 Colombiere.
42 Menestrier, vi.
43 Mat. Westmonas. page 409.
44 Should any one be tempted to investigate further, he will find the subject discussed at length in the seventh dissertation of Ducange. See also the Chronique de Molinet.
45 St. Palaye; Ribeiro, lib. x.
46 Menestrier.
47 Ordonances des Rois de France, ann. 1294.
48 Pasquier Recherches.
49 Vie de Bayard sur Jean d’Arces.
51 Colombiere.
52 La Colombiere.
53 Froissart; Olivier de la Marche.
54 See the “Vœu du Heron and the Vœu du Paon,” cited in St. Palaye.
56 Ducange, Dissert. xxi.
57 Monstrelet.
58 Juvenal des Ursius.
59 Hardouin de la Jaille.
60 See deed between Du Guesclin and Clisson. Ducange, Dissert. xxi.
61 Ducange, Gloss. Lat. Mutare Armas.
62 See the Chevalier de la Tour, as cited by St. Palaye.