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From Illustrations of Chaucer's England, edited by Dorothy Hughes, M.A.; Longmans, Green and Co.; 1919.



143

BOOK II. SOCIAL HISTORY.

1.

[Stanzas from a poem written early in Edward III’s reign. “Political Poems,” Wright, Camden Society, p. 338. The poem, which is of considerable length, professes to describe “the evil times of Edward II”; but it illustrates the feeling prevalent among the poorer classes throughout the century. The spelling has been slightly altered.]

But were the King well advised, and wolde work by skill
Little need sholde he have such poor to pile
Thurfte him not seek tresot so far, he might finde near
At justices, at sheriffs, cheitors,1 and chanceller, and at les,
Such might finde him enough, and let poor men have peace.


For whoso is in such office, come he never so poor
He fareth in a while as though he had silver ore
They buy londs and ledes,2 ne may them none astonde,
What should poor men be i-piled, when such men beth in lond. . . .


But schrewedliche, for sooth, they don the Kinges heste
When every man hath his part, the King hath the leste
Every man is about to fill his own purse;

144
And the King hath the least part, and he hath all the curse, with wrong
God send truth into this lond, for tricherie dureth too long. . . .





NOTES


1   Escheators.

2    Possessions.

2.

[The following details of travelling expenses are taken from a long and interesting account kindly supplied by Mr. Stamp, of H. M. Record Office, to whom the editor is also indebted for the translation. The extract illustrates merely a small part of the travelling and labour involved in connection with the matter in question — the Bishop proved most elusive, and had to be “followed at a distance“ through various parts of his diocese. P. R. O. Exch. Accts, 348/10.]

Expenses incurred in the appropriation of the churches of Filmersham and Grendon. (1365-6.)

In primis, for the expenses of Richard de Barowe and a servant with two hired horses going from Cambridge to London to obtain the King’s letters of Privy Seal to the Bishop of Lincoln for the forwarding of the appropriation of the aforesaid churches, and returning thence — 7 days

15s. 4d.

Item, for the expenses of the aforesaid Richard and a servant with two hired horses going from Cambridge to Lincoln, to present such letters to the Bishop and to get an answer thereupon, and returning thence to Cambridge. — 8 days

17s.

Item, for the expenses of the aforesaid Richard and a servant with two hired horses from Cambridge to Chartsey to take the answer of the King’s letters, staying there and returning to Cambridge. — 7 days

14s. 4d.

Item, for the expenses of the aforesaid Richard from Cambridge, with two hired horses, to Windsor, to obtain new royal letters again to the Bishop, staying there and returning to Cambridge. — 6 days

13s. 5d.
145

Item, for the expenses of the aforesaid Richard and servant with two hired horses from Cambridge to the Bishop’s manor called Stoweparc, to present the King’s letters to him, who promised that on his next coming to Lincoln he would forward everything that lay in his power to forward, staying there and returning thence to Cambridge — 7 days

14s. 2d.

Item, for the expenses of the aforesaid Richard and servant with two hired horses from Cambridge to the Bishop’s manor of Lidington, staying there and inquiring as to the Bishop’s passage towards Lincoln, beseeching also his good will for the forwarding of the aforesaid and returning thence to Cambridge — 5 days

9s. 3d.

3.

[The Black Death. Chroniclers‘ notices (Latin), 1348-9.]

(a) KNIGHTON — In this year there was a general mortality among men throughout the whole world. It broke out first in India, and spread thence in Tharsis, thence to the Saracens, and at last to the Christian and Jews; so that in the space of a single year, namely, from Easter to Easter, as it was rumoured at the court of Rome, 8000 legions of men perished in those distant regions, besides Christians. . . .

Then the dreadful pestilence made its way through the coast land by Southampton, and reached Bristol, and there perished almost the whole strength of the town, as it were surprised by sudden death; for few kept their beds more than two or three days, or even half a day. Then this cruel death spread on all sides, following the course of the sun. And there died at Leicester, in the small parish of St. Leonard more than 380 persons, in the parish of Holy Cross, 400, in the parish of St. Margaret’s, Leicester, 700; and so in every parish, in a great multitude. 146 Then the Bishop of Lincoln sent notice throughout his whole diocese giving general power to all priests, as well regulars as seculars, of hearing confessions, and giving absolution to all persons with full episcopal authority, except only in case of debt. And in this case, the debtor was to pay the debt, if he were able, while he lived, or others were to be appointed to do so from his property after his death. In the same way the Pope gave plenary remission of all offences to all receiving absolution at the point of death, and granted that this power should endure until Easter next following, and that every one might choose his own confessor at will.

In the same year there was a great murrain of sheep everywhere in the kingdom, so that in one place more than 5000 sheep died in a single pasture; and they rotted so that neither bird nor beast would approach them. There was great cheapness of all things, owing to the general fear of death, since very few people took any account of riches or property of any kind. A horse that was formerly worth 40s. could be had for half a mark, a fat ox for 4s., a cow for 12d., a heifer for 6d., a fat wether for 4d., a sheep for 3d., a lamb for 2d., a large pig for 5d.; a stone of wool was worth 9d. Sheep and oxen strayed at large through the fields and among the crops, and there were none to drive them off or herd them, but they perished in remote by-ways and hedges in inestimable numbers throughout all districts, because that there was such great scarcity of servants that none knew what to do. For there was no recollection of such great and terrible mortality since the time of Vortigern, King of the Britons, in whose day, as Bede testifies, the living did not suffice to bury the dead.

In the following autumn a reaper was not to be had for less than 8d., with his food, a mower for less than 10d., with food. Wherefore many crops rotted in the fields for want of men to gather them. But in the year of the pestilence, 147 as has been said above, of other things, there was so great an abundance of all kinds of corn that they were scarcely regarded.

The Scots, hearing of the dreadful pestilence in England, surmised that it had come about at the hand of an avenging God, and it became an oath among them, so that, according to the common report, they were accustomed to swear “be the foul deth of England”. Thus, believing that a terrible vengeance of God had overtaken the English, they came together in Selkirk forest with the intention of invading the realm of England, when the fierce mortality overtook them and their ranks were thinned by sudden and terrible death, so that in a short time some 5000 perished. And as the rest, the strong and the feeble, were making ready to return to their own country, they were pursued and surprised by the English, who killed a very great number of them.

Master Thomas Bradwardine was consecrated by the Pope as Archbishop of Canterbury, and when he returned to England, he came to London, as was dead within two days. He was renowned above all other clerks in Christendom, especially in theology and other liberal sciences. As this time there was everywhere so great a scarcity of priests that many churches were left destitute, without divine service, masses, matins, vespers or sacraments. A chaplain was scarcely to be had to serve any church for less than £10 or 10 marks, and whereas when there was an abundance of priests before the pestilence a chaplain could be had for 4, 5, or 11 marks, with his board, at this time there was scarcely one willing to accept any vicarage at £20 or 20 marks. Within a little time, however, vast numbers of men whose wives had died in the pestilence flocked to take orders, many of whom were illiterate, and as it were mere laymen, save so far as they could read a little, although without understanding.

148

In the meantime the King sent notice into all counties of the realm that reapers and other labourers should not receive more than they had been wont, under a penalty defined by statute; and he introduced a statute for this cause. But the labourers were so arrogant and hostile that they paid no heed to the King’s mandate, but if anyone wanted to have them he was obliged to give them whatever they asked, and either to lose his fruits and crops, or satisfy their greed and arrogance. But the King levied heavy fines upon abbots, priors, knights of great and less degree, and others great and small throughout the countryside when it became known to him that they did not observe his ordinance; taking 100s. from some, 40s. or 20s. from others, according as they were able to pay. Moreover he took 20s. from each plough-land throughout the kingdom, and notwithstanding this, he also took a “fifteenth”.

Then the King caused many labourers to be arrested, and sent them to prison, many of whom escaped and went away to the forests and woods for a time, and those who were taken were heavily fined. Others swore that they would not take wages higher than had formerly been the custom, and so were set free from prison. The same thing was done in the case of other labourers in the towns. . . . After the pestilence many buildings both great and small in all cities, towns, and boroughs fell into ruins for want of inhabitants, and in the same way many villages and hamlets were depopulated, and there were no houses left in them, all who had lived therein being dead; and it seemed likely that many such hamlets would never again be inhabited. In the following winter there was such dearth of servants for all sorts of labour as it was believed had never been before. For the sheep and cattle strayed in all directions without herdsmen, and all things were left with none to care for them. Thus necessaries 149 became so dear that what had previously been worth 1d. was now worth 4d. or 5d. Moreover the great men of the land and other lesser lords who had tenants, remitted the payment of their rents, lest the tenants should go away, on account of the scarcity of servants and the high price of all things — some half their rents, some more, some less, some for one, two, or three years according as they could come to an agreement with them. Similarly, those who had let lands on labour-rents to tenants as it the custom in the case of villeins, were obliged to relieve and remit these services, either excusing them entirely, or taking them on easier terms, in the form of a small rent, lest their houses should be irreparably ruined and the land should remain uncultivated. And all sorts of food became excessively dear.

(B) GEOFFREY LE BAKER. — [The pestilence] deprived first the sea-ports in Dorset, and then the whole district of almost all their inhabitants, and spreading thence it raged so violently throughout Devon and Somerset as far as Bristol that the people of Gloucester would not let those of Bristol come into their parts, for they all thought that the breath of persons who lived among those who were thus dying was infected. But at length it invaded Gloucester, yea Oxford, London and at last the whole of England, with such violence that scarcely one person in ten of either sex survived. Since the cemeteries did not suffice, fields were chosen for burying the dead; the Bishop of London bought that croft in London called “Nomannes lond,” and the lord Walter Manny the one called the “the newe chierche hawe,” where he founded a religious house for the burial of the dead.1 Suits in the King’s Bench and Common pleas came 150 of necessity to a standstill. A few noblemen died, among whom were the lord John of Montgomery, Captain of Calais and the lord Clisteles, who both died in Calais and were buried in London, at the house of the brothers of St. Mary of Carmel. But innumerable common people and a multitude of monks and other clerks known to God alone passed away. The pestilence seized especially the young and strong, commonly sparing the elderly and feeble. Scarcely any one ventured to touch the sick, and healthy persons shunned the once, and still, precious possessions of the dead, as infectious. People perfectly well on one day were found dead on the next. Some were tormented with abscesses in various parts of their body, and from these many, by means of lancing, or with long suffering, recovered. Others had small black pustules scattered over the whole surface of their body, from which very few, nay, scarcely a single person, returned to life and health. This great pestilence, which began at Bristol about the Feast of the Assumption, and at London about Michaelmas, raged in England for a whole year and more, so that many villages were utterly emptied of every human being.

(c) AVESBURY. — It began in England, in the neighbourhood of Dorchester, about the Feast of St. Peter ad Vinculas, A.D. 1348, immediately spreading rapidly from place to place, and many persons who were healthy in the early morning, before midday were snatched from human affairs; it permitted none whom it marked down to live more than three or four days, without choice of persons, save only in the case of a few rich people. On the same day of their death, the bodies of 20, 40, 60, and many times more persons were delivered to the Church’s burial in the same pit. Reaching London about the feast of All Saints, it slew many persons daily, and increased so greatly that from the feast of the Purification until just after Easter, in a newly-made cemetery in Smithfield the 151 bodies of more than 200 persons, besides those that were buried in other cemeteries of the same city, were buried every day. But by the intervention of the Grace of the Holy Spirit, it ceased in London on Whitsunday, continuing to spread towards the north, in which parts it also ceased about Michaelmas 1349.

(d) Chronicon Angliae — A great mortality spread throughout the world, starting from the northern and western regions, and raging with such great slaughter that scarcely the half of mankind survived. And towns that were formerly very thickly populated were left destitute of inhabitants, the plague being so violent that the living were scarce able to bury the dead. For in some religious houses, of 20 monks, scarce two survived. For, to say nothing of other monasteries, in the monastery of St. Albans more than 40 monks died in a short space of time. And it was estimated that scarcely a tenth part of the people had been left alive. The pestilence was immediately followed by a murrain among beasts. At that time revenues wasted away, and for want of husbandmen, who were nowhere to be found, lands remained uncultivated. And such misery followed these misfortunes that the world never afterwards had the opportunity of returning to its former condition.





NOTES


1   Sir Walter purchased 100 acres of land outside “the bar of West Smithfield” from St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, in 1349, for a cemetery; according to his own statement 5000 persons were buried here in that year. His new Chapel of the Annunciation built there gave its name to the ground (“Dict. of Nat. Biography”).

4.

[Concerning the further prorogation of Parliament, owing to the increase of the pestilence. (Latin.) “Foedera,” III, i. 182. Entry on Close Roll. Writ issued to all sheriffs, and to persons individually summoned to attend, 10 March, 1349.]

Whereas lately, by reason of the deadly pestilence then prevailing, we caused the Parliament that was summoned to meet at Westminster on the Monday after the Feast of St. Hilary to be prorogued until the quinzaine of Easter next — and because the aforesaid pestilence is increasing 152 with more than its usual severity, in Westminster and in the City of London and the surrounding districts, whereby the coming of the magnates and other our faithful lieges to that place at this time, would probably be too dangerous — for this, and for certain other obvious reasons we have thought fit to postpone the said Parliament until we shall issue further summons.

5.

[The Ordinance of Labourers, 18 June, 1349. “Statutes,” i. 307. “Foedera,” III, i. 198. (Latin.) “Calendar of Close Rolls,” 1349-54, p. 87 (summary).]

Because lately a great part of the people, and especially of labourers and servants has died during the pestilence, and some, perceiving the pressing need of the lords, and the great scarcity of servants, refuse to serve unless they receive excessive wages, while others prefer to beg in idleness than to get their livelihood by labour. We . . . have had treaty and deliberation upon this matter with the prelates, nobles, and other experienced persons assisting us, by whose unanimous counsel we have ordained: — that every man or woman in our realm of whatever condition, free or bond, being able in body, and below the age of 60 years, not living in merchandise, nor exercising any craft, nor having wherewith to live of his own resources, nor land of his own in whose tillage he may employ himself, and not serving another, — if he shall be required to serve in any suitable service, considering his condition, shall be bound to serve him who required him, and shall receive only such wages, allowances, hire or salary, as were accustomed to be offered in the place where he is to serve, in the 20th year of our reign, or in the average five or six years preceding.

Provided that lords shall have preference before others in retaining in their service their villeins, or the tenants 153 of their villein land; so, however, that they retain in this way only as many as shall be necessary for them, and not more.

And if any . . . shall be required to serve, and will not do so, if it be proved before the sheriff, bailiff, lord, or the constable of the town where this occurred, he shall at once be arrested . . . and sent to the nearest gaol, ro remain there . . . until he shall find security for serving in the aforesaid manner. And if any reaper, mower, or other labourer . . . retained in any service, shall withdraw without reasonable cause before the term of his agreement, he shall suffer penalty of imprisonment; and none shall receive or retain him in his service, upon the same penalty.

And that none shall pay . . . higher wages . . . than were wont to be paid . . ., nor shall any otherwise exact or receive them, on pain of doubling that which was thus promised . . . to him who shall feel himself aggrieved. . . . And if any lords of towns or manors shall presume to infringe this ordinance, suit shall be made against them in the county courts . . . or other our courts, for the treble thus paid them or their servants.

[The ordinance is to apply to all artificers and workmen.]

Also, that butchers, fishmongers, hostelers, brewers, bakers, pulters, and all other sellers of victuals, shall be bound . . . to sell them for a reasonable price, having regard to the price whereat such victuals are sold in the neighbouring districts; so that they shall have a moderate, not excessive profit, reasonably to be required according to the distance of the places whence such victuals are carried. . . .

[Mayors and bailiffs of cities, boroughs, market-towns and sea-ports, are to inquire as to offenders, and to levy the penalties; they are to be severely fined if convicted of negligence.]

154

And because many able-bodied beggars refuse to labour so long as they can live by asking alms, giving themselves to idleness and ill-doing, and sometimes to theft and other crimes, no person shall, on pain of the aforesaid imprisonment, give anything under colour of pity or alms to such as are able to labour, or encourage them in idleness; so that they may be compelled to labour for their living.

6.

[Parliament of February, 1351. “Rolls of Parliament,” ii. 225. (French).]

(a) From the statement as to the causes of summons: — . . . Because the King is informed that the peace of the land is not well kept, and that there are many other misprisions and defaults which need to be redressed and amended, as by maintenance of parties and quarrels in the country, and also by reason of the servants and labourers, who will not labour and work as they were wont. And also because the treasure of the realm is carried out of the country in many ways, so that it is much impoverished and in point of being destitute of money, and put to mischief; and for other defaults that there are, our lord the King has caused his Parliament to be summoned at this time.

(b) Petition to the King: — that it may please him to have regard . . . how since this pestilence his Commons are greatly undone and ruined, and by it cities, boroughs, and other towns and hamlets throughout the land are decayed and falling into decay, and many are clean depopulated, that were wont to contribute to the tax of the “15th” and “10th,” and other charges. . . . And now by . . . this last tax, which is charged at the same amount upon those who are left, they are ruined and undone, to their great mischief, so that they can scarcely live.

155

(c) Also, his Commons pray, that because since the pestilence the labourers will not work, taking for their labour as it was agreed by the King and his Council, nor do they pay any heed to fines and redemptions, but do worse and worse from day to day — it may please the King that corporal penalty shall be imposed on them, with fines, when they shall be duly convicted.

“The answer to this petition appears in the statute made now in this Parliament.”

7.

[The Statute of Artificers and Servants. “Statutes of the Realm,” i. 311. 25 Ed. III, Stat. 2, cc. 1-7. (French.) Also “Rolls of Parliament,” ii. 233.]

Whereas late, against the malice of servants, which were idle . . . our lord the King ordained . . . that such manner of servants . . . should be bound to serve, receiving such salaries and wages as were accustomed . . . and that the same servants, refusing to serve, should be punished by imprisonment . . .; whereupon commissions were made to divers people in each county to inquire and punish all those who offended against it — And now, because he is given to understand by the petition of the Commons in this present Parliament, that the said servants, having no regard to this ordinance . . . withdraw from serving the great men and others, unless they have allowance and wages to the double or treble of what they used to take. . . .

In the same Parliament, with the assent of the Prelates, Earls, Barons, and other great men, and of the said Commons . . . the under-written matters are ordained and established: —

First, that all carters, ploughmen, shepherds, swineherds, dairywomen and all other servants shall take allowance and wages as were wont to be paid in the 20th year of our 156 reign, and for three or four years before; in such wise that in the districts where wheat was wont to be given they shall take for the bushel 10d., or wheat at the will of the giver, unless it be otherwise ordained.

And that they be allowed to serve by the whole year or other usual term, and not by the day. And that none take in the time of haymaking . . . except at 1d. the day, and mowers of meadows 5d. for the acre, or 5d. for the day; and reapers of corn in the first week of August, 2d., and in the second 3d., and so until the end of August, and less in districts where less was wont to be given, without food or other courtesy being asked, given, or taken.

And that such workmen shall carry their instruments openly in their hands to market towns, and shall be hired there in a common and not a secret place.

Also that none take for threshing a quarter of wheat or rye more than 2½d.; and for the quarter of barley, oats, peas, and beans, 1½d., if so much was wont to be given. And in districts where it used to be the custom to reap by certain sheaves, and to thresh by so many bushels, they shall take no more, nor in other manner, than they were wont in the said 20th year and before.

And that the said servants be sworn twice a year before the lords, seneschals, bailiffs, and constables of each township to keep and perform these things.

And that none of them shall leave the town where he dwells in the winter for service in the summer, if he can have employment in the same town. . . . Saving that the people of the counties of Stafford, Lancaster, and Derby, and those of Craven and of the Marches of Wales and Scotland and other places, may come in August to labour in other counties, and safely return as they have been accustomed to do before this time.

And that those who refuse to make such an oath, or to fulfil what they have already sworn or undertaken, shall 157 be put in the stocks by the said lords, bailiffs, and constables of towns for two or three days, or sent to the nearest gaol, to stay there until they are willing to submit. And that between now and Whitsun stocks shall be made in every town for this purpose.

Also that carpenters, masons, tilers and other roofers of house shall not take more for the day for their work than they were accustomed; to wit, a master carpenter 3d., and others 2d., a master mason on free stone 4d., and another mason 3d.; and their servants 1½d. A tiler 3d., and his boy 1½d.; and other thatcher with ferns and straw 3d., and his boy 1½d. Also a plasterer and other worker of mud walls and their boys in the same manner, without meat or drink; that is from Easter to Michaelmas, and from then less, according to the rate and discretion of the justices who shall be assigned for this purpose. And that those who make carriage by land or water shall take no more for such carriage than they did in the said 20th year, or three years before.

Also that cordwainers and shoemakers shall not sell boots, shoes, or other things touching their mystery otherwise than they did in the said 20th year. And that goldsmiths, saddlers, furriers, sporriers, tanners, corriers, tailors, and all other workmen, artificers, and labourers, and all other servants not specified, be sworn before the said justices to do and employ their crafts and offices as they were wont to do in the said 20th year, and before, without refusing because of this ordinance.

And if any such servants, labourers, workmen or artificers, after such oath, infringe this ordinance, they shall be punished by fine, ransom, or imprisonment, according to the discretion of the justices.

And that seneschals, bailiffs, and constables of towns be sworn before the justices to inquire diligently by all the good ways they can, of all those infringing this ordinance, 158 and to certify the justices of their names, whenever they shall come into a district to hold their session; so that the justices . . . shall cause them to be arrested, to come before the same justices to answer for such contempts, so that they may make fine and ransom to the King, if they be convicted, and beyond this, to be committed to prison, until they shall have found surety to serve and do their crafts, and sell vendible goods, in the aforesaid manner.

And in case any of them break his oath, and be convicted of it, he shall have 40 days’ imprisonment; and if he be convicted another time, a quarter’s imprisonment; so that each time they offend and be convicted they shall have a double penalty.

And that the same justices, each time they come into the country, shall inquire if the seneschals, bailiffs, and constables have made good and loyal certification, or have concealed anything for gifts, procurement, or affinity, and punish them by fine and ransom, if they be found guilty.

And that the same justices shall have power to inquire and make due punishment of such ministers, labourers, workmen, and all other servants whatsoever, and also of hostelers, and those who sell victuals in retail, and other things not specified . . . and to hear and determine . . . .

And that the justices inquire in their sessions if the said ministers have taken anything from the said servants, and shall cause to be levied upon each of the ministers what they shall find them to have taken, with the fines and ransoms made, and delivered to the collectors of the “15th” and “10th,” in alleviation of the townships . . . and also the amercements of those who shall be amerced before them. And in case the excess found in a township shall exceed the quantity of the “15th” of that township, the remainder shall be levied and paid by the collectors to the nearest poor towns, in aid of their “15th,” by the advice of the justices. And when the “15th” ceases, it shall be 159 raise to the King’s use, and answered for to him by the sheriff of the county.

And that the said justices make their sessions in all the counties of England at least four times a year, namely, at the Feasts of the Annunciation of Our lady, of St. Margaret, of St. Michael, and St. Nicholas; and also at all times when it shall be necessary according to their discretion.

And that those who in the presence of the justices say or do anything in encouragement or maintenance of the said servants and labourers against this ordinance, shall be severely punished according to the discretion of the justices. And if any such labourers, artificers, or servants flee from one county to another because of this ordinance, the sheriffs of the county where they be found shall, at the order of the justices in the counties whence they have fled, cause them to be arrested and carried to the nearest gaol of the same county to remain there until the next session of the justices.

[Knighton.]

In the same year the statute of servants was declared, and from that time they served their masters worse from day to day than they had done before.







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