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From Illustrations of Chaucer's England, edited by Dorothy Hughes, M.A.; Longmans, Green and Co.; 1919.



B. THE POLL-TAX AND THE PEASANT’S REVOLT.

11.

[A Parliament had been held in 1379 in which a new form of tax was adopted, the first Poll-tax — a graduated payment, to which every person was to contribute. This, however, Parliament was told in January, 1380, only produced £22,000, and the commons made another grant in the usual form of “fifteenths” and “tenths,” and continued the subsidy on wool. In spite of this, in November another Parliament had to be called. “Rolls of Parliament,” iii. 88. 5 November, 1380. (French.)]

Speech by the Chancellor, Archbishop Simon Sudbury.

“Sirs, it should not be unknown to you how that the noble lord the Earl of Buckingham, with many other great lords, knights, and squires, archers and other good men of the realm — whom may God save in His mercy — are now in the parts of France in the service of the King and his realm. Upon the which expedition the King has spent more than whatever you gave him at the last Parliament, and beyond this largely of his own. And what is more, by a loan that he has raised — as well for the expedition to Scotland as for the defence and succour of his lieges in Guienne, and for the money due to the Earl of March for the land of Ireland, and in other manner — he has pledged the greater part of his great jewels, that are on the point of being forfeited. And true it is that, by reason of the present riot in Flanders, nothing has been received from the subsidy of wools. And therefore the wages of the 227 soldiers in the Calais March, Brest, and Cherbourg are now more than a quarter and a half in arrears, whereby the King’s castles and fortresses are in great peril, because the soldiers are in point of departing. . . . And you know well that neither our lord the King nor any other King in Christendom could endure such charges without the aid of his commons. Therefore, considering that the King is thus outrageously in debt, and his jewels on the point of being forfeited . . .; and he is bound by covenant . . . to make payment to the Earl of Buckingham and his companions, for the other half year next coming, and to refresh them with men and horses . . .; and also that one must needs make very heavy expenditure for the safe-keeping of the coast against the galleys, this next season, so that the enemy may be better resisted in their malice than they were in the season last past, when, as you know, they did great mischief and villainy in the realm — please you to advise the King and show, as best you can, wherewith it seems to you that these charges may be borne, with the least trouble to yourselves, and the community, and the realm best defended against all enemies. . . .”

Then afterwards the Chancellor said to the commons . . . that they should depart to their lodging, to ease them, for that day, and return betimes on the morrow. And that for God’s sake they should leave all alien matters, whereby rancour or intrigue might arise, and treat to some purpose upon this their charge, and other matters necessary and profitable. . . .

And afterwards, when the commons had talked together and treated for a day upon their charge, they returned into Parliament in the presence of the King and the prelates and lords, and Sir John Gildesburgh, knight, who spoke for the commons, asked in their name to have clear declaration as to their charge, and in particular the sum total that it was desired to ask of them . . . praying 228 that this sum might be so modified that no more should be asked than behoved of necessity. . . . Whereupon a schedule previously made by the great officers of the King’s Council, was delivered to them, containing divers sums necessary, as was said; the which sums extended to £160,000 sterling. . . .

And upon this they returned again into Parliament, entreating our lord the King and the lords of Parliament, because it seemed to the commons that the sum now asked was very outrageous, and utterly unsupportable, that it might please them to make such moderation therein, that nothing might be asked save what was bearable for them, and necessary to be had now for the above causes. . . .

[They asked the lords to consult together and make suggestion as to possible expedients for raising the money. They did so, and suggested (1) a grant of “fifteenths” in the usual manner; (2) a “poundage” on all merchandise, or (3) another Poll-tax. The commons chose the Poll-tax.]

The grant of the Tax — “First the lords and commons have agreed that, for the aforesaid necessities, there shall be given from every lay person in the realm, male or female, of whatever estate or condition, above the age of fifteen years, three groats; save very beggars, who shall not be charged. . . .

So always that the levy be made in such ordinance and form, that every lay person be charged . . . in manner as follows, to wit, that towards the sum total accounted in each township, the richer shall aid the poorer, in such wise that the richest shall not pay beyond the sum of 60 groats for himself and his wife, and none shall pay less than one groat for himself and his wife. And that no person be charged to pay save where he and his wife and children dwell, or where he resides in service. And that all artificers, labourers, servants, and other lay persons . . . shall be each assessed and tallaged according to the rate of his 229 condition. And that commissions be made to certain persons, to be collectors and controllers of the aforesaid sum. . . .

So that two parts of the grant be paid on the quinzaine of Hilary next coming, and the third at the following Whitsun. So always that no knight, citizen, or burgess who has come to this Parliament be made collector or controller of this levy.

12.

[From a petition of 1377. “Rolls of Parliament,” iii. 21. (French.)]

To our lord the King and his Parliament, the commons of the realm show that in many parts of England the villeins and tenants of land in villeinage, who owe services and customs to the lords in various lordships . . . have by the advice, procurement, maintenance and abetting of certain persons, for profit taken from the said villeins and tenants, purchased in the King’s court exemplifications from the Book of Domesday, of the manors and townships wherein they dwell. And by colour of these, and through misunderstanding of them, by the evil interpretation of the said counsellors . . . they have withdrawn, and are withdrawing the customs and services due to their lords, holding that they are fully discharged of all manner of service due both from their body and their holdings. Andy they have refused to permit the servants of their lords to make distraint upon them for the said customs and services, but have made confederation and alliance together to resist their lords and their servants by force, and so that each shall be aiding the other whenever they be distrained for this cause. And they threaten to kill their lords’ servants if they make distraint upon them. . . .

And it is feared, if hasty remedy be not applied, that war might easily break out in the realm, because of their said rebellion, or that they will adhere to foreign enemies 230 . . . if there should be a sudden coming of them. And to maintain these errors and rebellions they have collected among themselves a great sum of money, to pay their costs and expenses.

13.

[The Peasants’ Rising of 1381. “Chronicon Angliae.” (Latin.)]

The peasants, whom we call villeins or bondsmen, with the rural inhabitants in Essex, coveting greater things, and in hopes of reducing everything into subjection to themselves, came together in a great multitude and began to make great tumult, demanding their liberty; and they intended in future to be bound to pay service to no man. The men of two villages, who were the authors and prime movers in this mischief, sent word to each village that all, old and young, should flock to them, furnished with such arms as they could get; and that those who did not come, or despised this warning would have their goods destroyed, their houses set on fire or pulled down, and their heads cut off. These terrible threats made all hasten to them, so that in a short time so great a number was assembled that it was estimated at some 5000, of the meanest common people and peasants. . . .

[They sent messengers to the people of Kent.]

When the men of Kent heard news of what they had long hoped for, they too without delay gathered together a large band of commons and peasants, by the same devices wherewith the Essex men had collected their bands, and in a short time stirred up the whole of their county to a similar tumult. And soon they besieged all the roads by which pilgrims go to Canterbury, and stopping all the pilgrims they compelled them to swear; first to be faithful to King Richard and the commons, and to accept no King called John (from hatred of John, Duke of Lancaster, who, on account of his marriage with the daughter 231 and heiress of Peter, formerly King of Castile, called himself King of Castile); then that they would be ready to come and join them whenever they should please to send for them; that they would persuade all their fellow-citizens and neighbours to hold with them, and would consent to the raising of no taxes in the realm in future save the “fifteenths” which alone their fathers and forefathers knew and submitted to.

And so it came to pass that report of this swiftly spread into Sussex, the counties of Hertford and Cambridge, to Suffolk and Norfolk. And the whole people waited, and wondered as to the meaning of these things, and whither such rash enterprises were tending, many speculating about a better future, some fearing that they would end in the ruin of the whole Kingdom; for they argued that division would result from these wild attempts, and consequently its desolation and destruction. . . .

And when these great gatherings increased daily, and already their numbers had become almost infinite, so that they feared resistance from none, they began to show what were their designs, and to punish all and sundry learned in the law, both apprentices and justices, and all jurors of the countryside whom they could lay hands upon, by beheading them, declaring that the land could not enjoy her natural liberty until these men were slain. These sayings mightily pleased the peasants, and conceiving still greater designs, they resolved to consign to the flames all court rolls and ancient muniments, so that, when the record of ancient things had been destroyed, their lords would not be able to claim any rights against them in future. And thus is was done. And the lords would not keep watch to prevent these infamous doings, but remained motionless at home as thought sleeping, until the men of Kent and Essex were drawing near, having gathered to them an army of 100,000 common people and peasants.

232

14.

John Ball and his preaching. “Chronicon Angliae.” (Latin.)]

For twenty years and more this man had been preaching continually in different places such things as he knew were pleasing to the people, speaking ill of both ecclesiastics and secular lords, and had rather won the goodwill of the common people than merit in the sight of God. For he taught the people that tithes ought not to be paid unless he who should give them were richer than the rector or vicar who received them; and that tithes and offerings ought to be withheld if the parishioner were known to be a man of better life than his curate; and also that none were fit for the Kingdom of God who were not born in matrimony. He taught, moreover, the perverted doctrines of the perfidious John Wycliffe, and the opinions that he held, with many more that it would be tedious to recite. Wherefore, being prohibited by the bishops from preaching in churches, he took to speaking in streets and villages and in the open fields. Nor did he lack hearers among the common people, whom he always strove to entice to his sermons by pleasing words, and slander of the prelates. At last, having been excommunicated, yet not desisting, he was thrown into prison, where he predicted that he would be set free by 20,000 of his friends — which afterwards happened in the great disturbances, when the commons broke open all the prisons, and made the prisoners depart.

And when he had thus been set free, he followed them, egging them on to commit greater mischiefs, and saying that such things must surely be done. And, to corrupt the more with his doctrine, at Blackheath, where 20,000 of the commons were gathered together, he began a discourse in this fashion: —

233

“Whanne Adam dalfe and Eve span
  Who was thanne a gentil man?”

And continuing his sermon, he strove to prove by the words of the proverb that he had taken for his text, that from the beginning all men were created equal by nature, and that servitude had been introduced by the unjust oppression of evil men, against the will of God, who, if it had pleased Him to create serfs, surely in the beginning of the world would have appointed who should be a serf and who a lord. Let them consider, therefore, that He had now given them the hour wherein, laying aside the yoke of long servitude, they might, if they wished enjoy their liberty. Wherefore they must be prudent, hastening to act after the manner of a good husbandman, tilling his field, and uprooting the tares that are wont to destroy the grain; first killing the great lords of the realm, then slaying the lawyers, justices and jurors, and finally rooting out everyone whom they knew to be harmful to the community in future. Thus at last they would obtain peace and security, if, when the great ones had been removed, there were among them equality of liberty and nobility, and like dignity and power.

And when he had preached these and many other ravings, he was in such high favour with the people that they cried out that he should be Archbishop and Chancellor, and that he alone was worthy of the office, for the present Archbishop was a traitor to the realm and the commons, and should be beheaded wherever he could be found.

Moreover, he sent a letter to the leaders of the commons in Essex, full of dark sayings, and exhorting them to finish what they had taken in hand; this was afterwards found upon a man who was to be hanged for taking part in the disturbance, and ran as follows: — “John Schepe, summe tyme Seynt Marye preest of Yorke, and now of Colchestre, gretith wel Jon Nameles, and Jon the mellere, 234 and Jon Karter, and biddeth them that they be ware of gyle in bourghe, and stondith togidre in Goddes name; and biddeth Piers Ploughman go to his werk, and chastise wel Hob he robbere, and taketh with you Jon Trewman and alle his felawes, and no mo, and loke ye shape you to oon hed and no mo.

Jon the Mellere hath y grounden smal, smalle, smalle:
The Kingis son of hevene shal paye for alle;
Be ware or ye be wo,
Knoweth youre frende fro your fo;
Haveth ynowe, and sayeth ho
And do wel and betre fleth synne
And seketh pees, and holde you ther inne,
And so biddeth Jon Treweman and alle his felawes.”

The said John Ball confessed that he had written this letter and sent it to the commons, and admitted that he had written many more. Wherefore he was hanged at St. Albans on the 15th of July, in the King’s presence.

15.

[An illustration of the charges against some of the rebels, printed from the official records, in “Archæologia Cantiana,” vol. xviii. p. 88, in the translation given. 1381.]

Hundred of Boughton. “The jurors say on their oath that Roger Boldwyn of Boughton-under-Blean raised insurrection with other malefactors on the Wednesday next after the feast of the Holy Trinity in the 4th year of the reign of the King that now is, and was aiding and abetting when Simon, Archbishop of Canterbury was feloniously killed, and was there and then present. . . .

Also they say that John Hales . . . and other unknown malefactors made insurrection on Monday next after the feast of Holy Trinity by force and arms, and feloniously broke into the castle of our lord the King in Canterbury, and carried away divers felons that were in the said 235 castle and prison, and took William Septvanz, the sheriff of Kent and dragged him away with them, and compelled him to deliver to them the books and writs of our lord the King; and immediately that they were delivered they burnt them, to the prejudice of our lord the King and his crown. Also they say that James Grene, and Richard Daly feloniously broke into the gaol of Maidstone, and took away the prisoners that were in the said gaol, to the prejudice of our lord the King and his crown.

16.

[Letters Patent addressed to the authorities and townspeople of various important towns, 23 June, 1381. “Foedera,” IV, i. 125. (Latin.)]

We think it is well enough known to you and other our lieges how that many malefactors have lately risen in hostile manner against our peace, in congregations and unlawful assemblies, in divers counties of our realm, to the great disturbance of our faithful lieges; cruelly putting to death the venerable father Simon, late Archbishop of Canterbury . . . our Chancellor, and brother Robert de Hales, late Prior of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in England, our Treasurer, John Cavendish, our late Chief Justice, and many other our faithful servants and lieges; and monstrously perpetrating homicides, burnings, wastings, and various other destruction of churches, manors, houses, property and other possessions of our faithful lieges. But because the aforesaid malefactors, in order that they may be able to continue their malice, and . . . be excused of all the foregoing, have falsely and mendaciously asserted that they perpetrated these same evils, homicides, and mischiefs, by our will and authority, we desire it to come to your knowledge, and to that of all our faithful lieges, that the aforesaid mischiefs . . . were in no wise committed by our authority, but, right sorely 236 grieved, we hold that they redound to the great slander of ourself, the prejudice of our crown, and the damage and no small disturbance of our whole realm. Therefore we command you . . . to cause public proclamation of this present mandate to be made in our name. . . . And further you shall forbid any . . . within the said city or elsewhere to make such congregations or assemblies, or to attempt or procure anything whereby our peace may be broken, or out people disquieted or disturbed, on pain of forfeit of life and limb.

17.

[Letters Patent revoking the charters of manumission, 2 July, 1381. Writs addressed to the sheriffs of all counties. “Foedera.” IV, i. 126. (Latin.)]

Although lately in the abominable disturbance horribly made by some of our liege subjects who made insurrection against our peace, certain our letters patent were made at the importunate demand of these same insurgents, to the effect that we enfranchised all our liege subjects . . . of certain counties, freeing and quitting them of all bondage and service, and also that we pardoned them for all insurrection made against us . . . granting each and all of them our firm peace; that we willed that they should be free to buy and sell in all cities, boroughs, market towns and other places within the realm; and that no acre of land in the aforesaid counties held in service or bondage should be held at more than 4d. the acre. . . . Because, however, the said letters were issued unduly, and without mature consideration, we, considering the grant of the aforesaid liberties highly prejudicial . . . tending manifestly to the disherison of the prelates, lords, and magnates, and the Holy Church of England, and to the loss and damage of the state, with the advice of our council we have . . . recalled and annulled the said letters.

237

18.

[The Parliament of 9 November, 1381. Speech by the Treasurer, Sir Hugh Segrave, on the 5th day of Parliament. “Rolls of Parliament,” iii. 99. (French.)]

“My Lords and Sirs, you are aware how that the honourable father in God, the lord William, Archbishop-elect of Canterbury, appointed Chancellor of England by our lord the King, lately explained to you in part the causes of summons of this Parliament in a general manner, telling you . . . that the same causes would afterwards be declared to you more fully in particular. For this reason, our Lord the King here present, whom may God save, has commanded me to make the said declaration to you, which is as follows — First, our lord the King, desiring above all things that the liberty of Holy Church be entirely preserved without blemish, and the estate, peace, and good government of is realm be maintained and preserved as best it was in the time of any of his noble ancestors . . . [wishes] that if default be found in any part, it may now be amended by the advice of the prelates and lords in this Parliament.

“And . . . [he desires] especially to make good ordinance for restoring the King and the realm to peace and quiet after the great disturbance and rumour lately stirred up in divers parts through the rising and insurrection of certain of the lesser commons and others, and their horrible and contemptuous trespass against God, the peace, and the King’s prerogative, estate, dignity and crown; although these same commons coloured their misdeeds otherwise, saying that they desired to have no King save our lord King Richard. . . . And to seek out, and touch upon the means whereby the said malefactors may be chastised, and the disturbance entirely removed and ended; and to inquire and seek out the causes and principal occasions 238 thereof, so that when these have been found and known, and completely removed, we may more surely trust in the remedy to be ordained, if the commons should again wish or make ready to do evil in the same way.

“Also, it is not unknown to you, how that our lord the King, during the said rumour, was constrained to grant his letters of liberty, franchise and manumission . . . to his villeins and others, well knowing at the time that he could not do this in good faith, and by the law of his land; but he did it for the best, as not then being in his rightful power as King. But as soon as God by His grace had restored him to his power . . . by the advice of his council then near him, he caused the said grants to be repealed. . . And therefore he would like to know your wishes, my lords, prelates, lords and commons here present — if it seem to you that he has done well by this repeal, to your pleasure, or no. For he says, that if you desire to enfranchise the said villeins by your common assent — as it has been reported to him that some of you do — the King will agree thereto with you, at your request.”

And hereupon the Treasurer requested the commons from the King, to withdraw to their place in the Abbey of Westminster, and take counsel well and diligently upon these matters, and as to the remedies which it seemed to them should be ordained.

19.

[The Speaker‘s answer, ibid. (French.)]

On the Monday next following, in the third week of Parliament, that was the 18th day of November, the commons returned into Parliament, and there Sir Richard de Waldegrave, Knight, who spoke on behalf of the commons, strove to have excused himself from this office of speaker,1 239 but the King charged him by his allegiance to perform it, since he had been chosen thereto by his companions.

Then Sir Richard, making his protestation . . . said — “My liege lord, my companions here present, and I have talked together upon our charges lately given to us by your royal majesty; but we are in part at variance among ourselves touching the same charge. Therefore, if it please you, we will rehearse the same . . . or may it please your royal majesty to cause it again to be rehearsed before us, so that we may more clearly understand it, and so be of one accord among ourselves thereon.”

The King commanded Sir Richard le Scrope, Knight, then lately made Chancellor,2 to repeat — their said charge — and he did so clearly, especially as to the repeal of the grant of franchise and manumission to the bondsmen and villeins. And it was again inquired in the King’s name in full Parliament, of all those present, if this repeal were pleasing to them or no. Whereto as well the prelates and temporal lords as the knights, citizens and burgesses, answered with one voice — that the repeal was well done; adding, that such enfranchisement or manumission of the villeins could not take place without their assent, who had the greatest interest therein; and thereto they never agreed, willingly or otherwise, nor ever would do so, if it were their dying day.

[Pardon was then granted to all persons who had executed summary punishment, without due process of law, upon any of the rebels. Also, at the request of the King’s bride, Anne of Bohemia, then about to arrive in England, to all persons concerned in the disturbance — with certain important exceptions, including the townsmen of Canterbury, Bury St. Edmunds, Beverley, Scarborough, Bridgwater, and Cambridge.]





NOTES


1   Vant-parlour.

2   During the Parliament.

240

20.

[The commons’ complaint as to the state of the country, ibid. (French.) The commons returned into Parliament, after discussion with a few of the prelates and lords, and made the following declaration: —

“. . . That if the government be not shortly amended, the realm will be utterly ruined and destroyed for ever, and by consequence, our lord the King and all the lords and commons, which God, in His mercy, forbid! For it is true that there are very great defaults in the government — about the King’s person, and in his household, and by the extravagant number of domestics in the said household; and in his courts, to wit, in the Chancery, King’s bench, Common Pleas, and the Exchequer; and by the grievous oppressions throughout the country by the outrageous multitude of maintainors, and embracers of quarrels, who are like kings in the country, so that justice and right are scarcely done to any. And the poor commons are from time to time plundered and ruined — what with the purveyors for the household of the King and of others, who pay nothing to the commons for the victuals and carriage taken from them, and what with the subsidies and tallages often raised from them, . . . and otherwise by grievous and outrageous oppressions done to them by divers servants of the King and of other lords of the realm, and especially by the aforesaid maintainors — so that they are brought to great wretchedness and discomfort, more than they ever were before.

And without all this, although great treasure is continually granted and levied from them for the defence of the realm, nevertheless, they are not thereby any better defended or succoured, so far as they can tell; but from year to year they suffer burning, robbery, and pillage by land and sea, by the galleys, barges, and other ships of the enemy, for which no remedy has been, nor ever is, 241 provided. The which mischiefs the said poor commons, who were wont formerly to live in all honour and prosperity, cannot any longer endure. And to say truth, by these said outrages, and others such as have lately been inflicted upon the poor commons, more generally than ever before, they felt themselves so greatly burdened, that these caused the lesser commons to stir, and do the mischiefs that they did in riot. And greater mischief is to be feared if good and due remedy be not betimes provided for the above mentioned outrageous oppressions and mischiefs.

And that it may please the King and the noble lords of the realm . . . to apply such remedy and amendment to the government, that the estate and dignity of the King . . . and of the lords of the realm be entirely preserved,. . . and the commons put in quiet and peace, the evil officers and councillors being wholly removed so far as they can be known, and better, more virtuous, and sufficient put in their place; and also the evil occasions, that have thus been the moving cause of the late rumour and other mischiefs. . . . Or it is thought that this realm cannot be long without greater mischief than ever happened herein before.

21.

[Appointment of a committee of inquiry, ibid., November, 1381. (French.)]

Afterwards . . . the King . . . willed and granted that certain prelates, lords, and others should be assigned to survey and examine in privy council, as well the estate and governance of our lord the King’s person as of his household, and to take thought as to sufficient remedy, if need were, and make their report thereon to the King. And the lords said in Parliament that it seemed to them that if amendment of government should be made throughout the realm, it would be necessary to begin with the 242 principal member, which is the King himself, going from person to person, as well of Holy Church as other, and from place to place, from the highest degree to the lowest, sparing none. . . .

[A committee of eighteen bishops and lords was appointed.]

And be it remembered, that our lord the King’s confessor was charged in presence of the King and lords to abstain from coming to the King’s household, or staying thee, save only on the four principal feasts of the year. And this was done with the assent of the lords, at the request of the commons, who had begged the King to have the said confessor utterly removed from the King and from his office.


          .          .          .          .          .          

It was reported to the commons from the King that the Earl of Arundel, and Sir Michael de la Pole were chosen, appointed and sworn to be near the King’s person and in his household, to counsel and guide his person.

22.

[Grant of a subsidy, ibid., November, 1381. (French.) The commons at first refused a grant, on the ground that too great resentment still existed in the country; the Government thereupon asked them to renew the subsidy on wools, then about to expire.]

When the commons had considered for a little, they returned before the lords, saying that they had heard what excessive charges the King sustained . . . and how that the subsidy of wool, wool-fells, and leather, wherefrom arises the greatest profit that the King takes in his realm . . . should expire and cease at the coming Christmas, by the last grant made at the Parliament of Northampton; and they would willingly aid the King to bear the said charges according to their small power. And considering, on the other hand, that by continual possession of the said 243 subsidy in the King’s hands, without interruption, one might easily claim for him and in his name, to have it as of right and custom, (although the King has none in the said subsidy save by their grant), the which by process of time might thus fall to the disherison and continual charge of all the commons of England . . . therefore, and to escape this mischief, the prelates, lords and commons . . . grant such subsidy . . . from the feast of the Circumcision next following. . . . So that the space of time between Christmas and the Circumcision be wholly void, in order to cause the said interruption to be had.







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