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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq., Volume II, London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 596-617.
CHAPTER LXX. — THE COUNT D’OSTREVANT, BROTHER-IN-LAW TO JOHN OF BURGUNDY, BEING DESIROUS TO MARCH TO HUNGARY, IS ADVISED BY HIS FATHER TO ATTEMPT, IN PREFERENCE, THE RE-CONQUEST OF FRIESLAND, WHICH BELONGED TO THEM.
NEWS of this expedition to Hungary was spread far and near. On its being announced in Hainault, knights and quires, eager for renown, assembled together, and said, — “It would not be amiss if our lord of Hainault, who is young and promising, were to accompany his brother-in-law, the count de Nevers, in this expedition; and, should it take pace, we must not fail to attend him.” The count d’Ostrevant resided in Quesnoy at the time such conversations were held, and was informed what his knights and squires said. This made him the more willing to accompany his brother-in-law, having before had such intentions. Whenever the subject was mentioned in his presence, he dissembled his real thoughts, by saying little about it, meaning to consult his lord and father, duke Albert of Bavaria, count of Hainault, how he would advise him to act.
It was not many days before he set out to visit the duke and duchess of Bavaria at the Hague, where they lived. He addressed his father, — “My lord, it is currently reported that my brother-in-law of Nevers has undertaken an expedition to Hungary, and thence to Turkey, against the sultan Bajazet. There must be grand deeds of arms performed; and at this moment I am perfectly idle, knowing not whither to bear arms; I wish to learn your intentions, if it would be agreeable to you that I should accompany my brother-in-law on this honourable expedition with one hundred of our chivalry. My lord and lady of Burgundy will thank me for so doing; and there are many knights and squires in Hainault who will eagerly go with me.” Duke Albert replied, like one who had well weighed the subject, — “William, since thou hast so great a desire to travel, and to seek for deeds of arms in Hungary and Turkey, against a people and country who have never done us any wrong, it must be caused by vain-glory alone, for thou hast not a shadow of reason to induce thee to go thither. Let John of Burgundy and our cousins of France perform their enterprise, and do thou undertake one that more nearly touches us. March to Friesland, and conquer back that country, which was our inheritance; for the Frieslanders have, by rebellion, withdrawn themselves from our obedience; and, if thou undertake this, I will assist thee.” This speech from his father was very agreeable to the count d’Ostrevant, and raised his spirit, he answered, “My lord, you say well, and, if it be your opinion I should undertaken such an expedition, I will do so heartily.” By little and little, the matter was so long talked over between the father and son, that the invasion of Friesland was agreed upon; and a circumstance I shall relate greatly helped him in this matter.
The count d’Ostrevant had at that time, for his principal advisor, a squire of Hainault, called Fier-à-bras, or the bastard of Vertain. He was equal in prudence as in arms, so that when the count told him what his father had said, he replied, — “Sir, my lord your father gives you excellent advice. It will be more for your honour to undertake this expedition than to join that to Hungary; and, when you begin your preparations for it, you will find plenty of knights and squires in Hainault and elsewhere, ready to accompany and assist you. But if you really are in earnest to undertake it, I would recommend that you first go to England, to make known your intentions to the knights and squires of that country; and to entreat the king of England, your cousin, that he would permit you to retain knights, squires, and archers, and allow them to accept of our pay, and to accompany you from England. The English are men of valour: is you succeed in obtaining their assistance, you will go far to be successful; and if you can prevail on your cousin, the earl of Derby, to take part and come with you, there will be still greater chances of success, and your enterprise will gain more renown.” The count d’Ostrevant inclined to the council of Fier-à-bras de Vertain, for he thought it good; and, when he spoke of it to he lord de Gomegines, he likewise agreed to it, as did all who were friends to the count. News of this was whispered throughout Hainault, and a proclamation soon after issued, to prohibit all knights and squires from quitting the country, to form part of any expedition to 597 Hungary or elsewhere, for that the count d’Ostrevant needed their services, and would, this summer, lead them against Friesland.
We will, for a while, leave this matter, and speak of others that were in greater forwardness.
CHAPTER LXXI. — JOHN OF BURGUNDY, COUNT OF NEVERS, LEADS AN ARMY INTO HUNGARY AGAINST THE TURKS. — THE NEGOTIATIONS FOR THE MARRIAGE OF KING RICHARD O ENGLAND WITH THE ELDEST PRINCESS OF FRANCE ARE CONTINUED.
THE knights and squires in different countries were all alive at the wars that seemed likely to take place in opposite quarters: some made themselves ready for the expedition to Hungary; others for that to Friesland: and whenever the met they conversed on these subjects. The count de Nevers was prepared; and all those knights had been enrolled who were to be under his charges, and to accompany him. The purveyances were very considerable and well arranged; and, as the honour of the expedition was given to him, he made handsome presents to his knights and squires, and gave them many stores; for, as the journey was long and expensive, it was but proper the men at arms should be aided to support them. In like matter did other lords act; such as the constable of France, the count de la Marches, the lords Philip and Henry de Bar, the lord de Coucy, sir Guy de la Trémouille, sir John de Vienne admiral of France, Boucicaut marshal of France, sir Reginald de Roye, the lords de St. Pol, de Montmorel, de Saint Py, the haze de Flandres, sir Louis de Brézeé, his brother, and the borgne de Monquel, with many more; for they amounted to one thousand knights and as many squires, all men of tried courage and enterprise.
They left their homes about the middle of March, and advanced in good array by companies. They found all the roads open to them, for the king of Germany had commanded that his country and Bohemia should afford them every friendly assistance to supply their wants, and that the prices of provision should on no account be raised. Thus did those lords of France march to the assistance of the king of Hungary, whose army was to have a pitched battle against that of Bajazet, on the 20th day of the ensuing month of May*. They passed Lorrain, the counties of Bar and Montbelliard, the duchy of Burgundy, and entering Aussais†, traversed that whole country, and, having crossed the Rhine in many places, marched through the country of Ferrette, and entered Austria. This is an extensive and wild country, with difficult passes; but they advanced with so good an inclination, that they did not suffer from the labour and fatigue, the chief conversation of the French lords was concerning the power of the Turks, which they seemed to make very light of.
The duke of Austria gave the French lords a handsome reception; but he was particularly attentive to John of Burgundy, for lord Otho, eldest son to the duke, had espoused Mary of Burgundy, his sister‡. All these French lords were to assemble at a city called Buda, in Hungary. Let us return to the affairs of France.
You have before heard that the king of England, had sent as ambassadors to the king of France, to conclude a marriage between him and his oldest daughter Isabella, the archbishop of Dublin, the bishop of St. David’s, the earl marshal of Rutland, son to the duke of York, sir Henry Clifford, the lord Beaumont, the lord Despencer, sir John de Robesart, and several more. They had succeeded well in the business, and the French king made them welcome, as did his uncles and council. The ambassadors returned to England in high spirits, and gave the king great hopes that his wishes would be gratified. King Richard was not idle in the business, but during the following winter, frequently reminded the king and council of France of it, who were far from being adverse, for they considered it as one of the surest means to put an end to the wars which had lasted so long between France and England. The treaty was carried on with eagerness and friendship on both 598 sides; and the king of England promised, from the power he had over his subjects, that there should be peace between the two countries. To conclude the business, the earl of Rutland and the earl marshal, with the other ambassadors, were again sent to Paris, They were lodged at the Croix du Tiroir, and, with their attendants, occupied the whole of that street, and part of another: they were full six hundred horse§, and remained in Paris upwards of three weeks, supplied with everything from the king of France.
* In the year 1396. — ED.
† Alsace. — ED.
‡ There is a mistake here. Leopold IV., duke of Austria, married Catherine, not Mary, daughter of Philippe le Hardi, and sister of Jean-sans-peur, the leader of the expedtion. — ED.
§ The Monk of St. Denis says that their numbers were more than twelve hundred. Six hundred horsemen, with their attendants on foot (as was customary), would amount to that number. — ED.
CHAPTER LXXII. — THE QUEEN OF NAPLES, WIDOW TO THE LATE DUKE OF ANJOU, OBTAINS JUDGMENT IN PARLIAMENT AGAINST SIR PETER DE CRAON.
DURING the time these ambassadors were at Paris negotiating the marriage of the king of England, the dowager queen of Naples was also there, busily employed in her own concerns, for she was a lady of great activity. Her business at that time was before the parliament, where she was pleading two causes: one for the inheritance of the county of Roussy against the count de Brianne; for the late duke of Anjou her lord, had bought and paid for it to a lady who was countess de Roussy, some time wife to sir Louis de Namur, from whom she was divorced. The other was against Peter de Craon, from whom she claimed the sum of one hundred thousand francs, and which she proved he had received for and in the name of her late lord the king of Naples, Sicily, and Jerusalem, on condition to pay the same to him in la Puglia; but, when he was informed of the king of Naples’ death, he no longer continued his journey but returned to France, making use of the above-mentioned sum to his own profit, without rendering any account of it to the queen of Naples, no to her two children Lewis and Charles, but dissipating it in folly and extravagance. This was the cause, as the queen of Naples said, of the loss of that kingdom, which was regained by Margaret Durazzo and the heirs of sir Charles Durazzo; for the soldiers of her late lord, who were aiding her to continue the war in Calabria and la Puglia, deserted her for want of pay: many had turned to the count de St. Severino and to Margaret Durazzo, and others had retired from the war.
All these matters were pleaded in the courts of parliament at Paris, for upwards of three years: although sir Peter de Craon was absent, his advocates defended him well. They said, that in regard to the sum of one hundred thousand francs, which he was charged with having received in the name of the king of Naples, that king was indebted to him as much, if not more, for the great and noble services he had rendered him. — Notwithstanding the length of time his cause lasted, it was impossible to put off for ever its conclusion, and the lady was very urgent that judgment should be given by the parliament. The judges, having considered the matter well, declared they would give no judgment until both parties were personally before them. This was then difficult to accomplish, from the disgrace sir Peter de Craon was in with the king and the duke of Orleans, for his attempt to assassinate the constable. The lady, finding nothing would be done until sir Peter was before the court, perfectly free from every other charge except what she accused him of, and with full liberty to go anywhere in France, exerted herself greatly to obtain this for him, that an end might be put to her suit. Her solicitations with the king, the duke of Orleans, the count de Penthievre, sir John Harpedane and others, who had any complaints against him, were successful, and he was acquitted of all other charges. I know not whether it happened through dissimulation or otherwise, but he was shown great attention and kindness by the nobles and ladies of France until the time when judgment was to be given. He kept up as great state at Paris as ever he had done, and was appointed to receive the English ambassadors, and to introduce them to the king, his brother, and uncles, for he was a knight perfectly well versed in all such ceremonies.
The day was fixed for the parliament to decide on the queen of Naples’ complaints: the sentence had before been determined upon, and waited solely for the appearance of all parties 599 concerned. A great number of the nobility attended, that I might have more authenticity; among whom were the queen of Sicily and Jerusalem, duchess of Anjou and countess of Provence, her son Charles, prince of Tarentum, and John of Blois, more commonly called John of Brittany, count de Penthievre and Limoges, the dukes of Orleans, Berry, Burgundy, and Bourbon, the count de Brianne and the bishop of Laon, whom the queen had brought before the court on the subject of her claim on the county of Roussy. Sir Peter de Craon was likewise there, attended by many of his relations and friends.
The matter of the county of Roussy was first disposed of; and the judgment of the court was solemnly pronounced, that the county should belong to the count de Brianne and to his heirs, who was to have immediate possession given him; but the queen of Naples was to be repaid in money the full amount of what her late lord, the duke of Anjou, had given to the countess of Roussy, lately deceased. The heirs of the countess of Roussy, to whom the lands belonged, thanked the court for the judgment they had given. The president, who was to declare the sentence in the second cause, now rose, and said, “The parliament had determined that sir Peter de Craon was indebted to the queen of Naples in the sum of one hundred thousand francs, which he must pay to her, or be committed to prison until it was done completely to her satisfaction.” The queen thanked the court for their judgment, and, instantly, on her request, sir Peter de Craon was arrested, in the king’s name, and carried to the prison of the Louvre, where he was confined and well guarded. Upon this the parliament broke up, and every one returned o his home. Thus were these two sentences given, through the activity of the duchess of Anjou.
CHAPTER LXXIII. — THE MARRIAGE IS CONCLUDED BETWEEN KING RICHARD OF ENGLAND AND THE LADY ISABELLA, ELDEST DAUGHTER TO CHARLES VI. KING OF FRANCE. — THE DUKE OF LANCASTER MARRIES AGAIN. — SIR PETER DE CRAON IS, AFTER SOME TIME, DELIVERED FROM PRISON, AT THE ENTREATY OF THE YOUNG QUEEN OF ENGLAND.
THE earl marshal, the earl of Rutland, and the English ambassadors remained for twenty-two days in Paris, where they were excellently well entertained by the king and his court; their negotiations were successful, and the marriage between the king of England and the princess Isabella was agreed on. She was betrothed and espoused by the earl marshal, as proxy for the king of England, and the lady, ever after, was styled queen of England. I was at the time told it was pleasant to see that, young as she was, she knew well how to act the queen. When this business was completed, and the different treaties signed and sealed, the ambassadors took their leave of the king and his court, and departed from Paris to Calais, on their return to England, where they were joyfully received by the king, the duke of Lancaster, and the lords attached to the king’s person and pleasures.
However much others might be pleased, it was not so with the duke of Gloucester; for he saw plainly that by this marriage peace would be established between the two kingdoms which sorely displeased him, unless it should be such a peace was would redound to the honour of England, and every thing were placed on the same footing as when the war broke out in Gascony. He frequently conversed on this subject with his brother the duke of York, and, whenever the occasion was favourable, endeavoured to draw him over to his way of thinking, for he was but of weak understanding. He dared not speak so freely to his elder brother of Lancaster, who was of the king’s party, and well satisfied with this marriage, on account of his two daughters the queens of Castille and Portugal. At this period the duke of Lancaster married his third wife, the daughter of a Hainault knight, called sir Paon de Ruet: he had formerly been one of the knights to the good and noble queen Philippa of England, who much loved the Hainaulters, as she was herself of that country.
This lady whom the duke of Lancaster married was called Catherine*, and in her youth had been of the household of the duchess Blanche of Lancaster. Before the lady Blanche’s death, and even when the duke was married to his second wife Constance, the daughter of 61 Don Pedro, he cohabited with the lady Catherine de Ruet, who was then married to an English knight now dead†.
The duke of Lancaster had three children‡ by her, previous to his marriage, two sons and a daughter: the eldest son was named John lord Beaufort of Lancaster; the other Thomas, whom the duke kept at the schools in Oxford, and made a great churchman and civilian. He wad afterward bishop of Lincoln, which is the richest bishopric in the kingdom; from affection to these children, the duke married their mother, to the great astonishment of France and England, for Catherine Swynford was of base extraction in comparison to his two former duchesses Blanche and Constance. When this marriage was announced to the ladies of high rank in England, such as the duchess of Gloucester, the countess of Derby, the countess of Arundel, and others connected with the royal family, they were greatly shocked, and though the duke much to blame. They said, “he had sadly disgraced himself by thus marrying his concubine;” and added, that, “since it was so, she would be the second lady in the kingdom, and the queen would be dishonourably accompanied by her; but that, for their parts, they would leave her to do the honours alone, for they would never enter any place where she was. They themselves would be disgraced if they suffered such a base-born duchess, who had been the duke’s concubine a long time before and during his marriages, to take precedence, and their parts would burst with grief were it to happen.” Those who were the most outrageous on the subject were the duke and duchess of Gloucester. They considered the duke of Lancaster as a doating fool for thus marrying his concubine, and declared they would never honour his lady by calling her sister. The duke of York made light of the matter, for he lived chiefly with the king and his brother of Lancaster. The duke of Gloucester was of a different way of thinking: although the youngest of the three brothers, he yielded to no man’s opinion, was naturally very proud and overbearing, and in opposition to the king’s ministers, unless he could turn them as willed. Catherine Ruet, however, remained duchess of Lancaster, and the second lady in England, as long as she lived. She was a lady accustomed to honours, for she had been brought up at court during her youth, and the duke fondly loved the children he had by her, as he showed during his life and at his death.
I must mention, that when the sentence of the court of parliament at Paris had been pronounced against sir Peter de Craon in favour of the queen of Naples, he was confounded. Finding that he must refund the one hundred thousand francs or remain his whole life in prison, he listened to the counsel that was given him from the duke and duchess of Burgundy. They advised him to solicit the young queen of England to intercede with the queen of Naples to obtain his liberty for fifteen days only, that he might seek out his friends in Paris to pay this money, or to become his sureties unless he had procured it in Brittany or elsewhere, engaging to return the sum he was condemned to pay. The queen of Naples complied with the request of the queen of England, but on condition that sir Peter de Craon should every night sleep in his prison at the Louvre. Sir Peter sought for aid among his relatives in vain; for the sum was too great for them to advance, and they refused being his sureties. At the end of fifteen days, he was forced to return to his prison, when he was strictly guarded day and night, and at his own proper costs.
We will now speak of what actions and enterprises the count de Nevers and the lords of France performed this summer in Hungary; and then say something of the expedition the earl of Hainault and earl of Ostrevant made into Friesland.
* Catherine Swynford. — ED.
† Sir Hugh Swynford.
‡ Froissart mistakes in the number, and Thomas for Henry. According to Sandford, he had four children by Catherine Swynford: — John Beaufort, earl of Somerset, — Henry Beaufort, bishop of Winchester and cardinal of Beaufort, — Thomas Beaufort, duke of Exeter and earl of Dorset, — Joan Beaufort, countess of Westmoreland.
For further particulars, see Sandford and Dugdale.
CHAPTER LXXIV. — JOHN OF BURGUNDY, COUNT OF NEVERS, PASSES THE DANUBE WITH HIS ARMY. — AFTER THE CAPTURE OF SEVERAL PLACES, THE TOWN OF NICOPOLI IS BESIEGED*.
ON the arrival of the count de Nevers with hi army, which was composed of numbers of valiant men from France and other countries, at Buda in Hungary, the king gave them a most hearty reception, as indeed he ought, for to serve him they were come. It was the intention of the king of Hungary, before he took the field, to obtain some certain intelligence of the movements of Bajazet, who had given him notice since last February to increase his forces, as he would in the course of the month of May lead an immense army to cross the Danube and offer combat to the Hungarians. Many wondered how this could be done; but others replied, — “Nothing was impossible to man; that as Bajazet was of great valour and enterprise, and had said he would do so, he would surely accomplish it; but, if he failed in his threat, and did not cross the Danube, we ought to cross it, and enter his kingdom of Turkey. The king of Hungary could send thither one hundred thousand men, including foreigners, which was sufficient to conquer all Turkey, and even to advance to the kingdom of Persia. If we gain a victory over Bajazet, we shall so far succeed, that we may conquer Syria and the Holy Land, and deliver Jerusalem out of the hands of the Sultan and the enemies of our GOD. In the ensuing summer, the kings of France and England will jointly raise a large force of men at arms and archers; and, when they shall be united to us, nothing will be able to withstand so powerful an army.”
Such were the conversations of the French in Hungary. When the month of may arrived, being disappointed in their expectations of hearing of the march of Bajazet, the king of Hungary sent scouts across the Danube to seek intelligence, and, at the same time, issued his summons for his power to assemble. The knights of Rhodes came thither in numbers during the month of May, looking for the arrival of the Saracens, but no news was heard of them. The king of Hungary, on this, sent some Hungarians who were used to arms, and well acquainted with the country, beyond the Danube, but they were as unsuccessful as his former scouts, in not meeting Bajazet: they heard that he was still in Asia, at Damascus, Antioch, or Alexandria. The king, on received this information, called a council of his lords, and those who were come from France, who were eager to signalized themselves, to consider how they should act in this emergency. The king told them that he had sent some expert men at arms to seek Bajazet, who had advanced far into Turkey; and that there was no appearance Bajazet would this summer pt the menace into execution, of crossing the Danube to offer him battle. The king wished to have advice on this matter, more especially from the French lords. The lord de Coucy being consulted with the other barons, answered for them, that if Bajazet should have told lies, and deceived them by not keeping his word, they ought not for that that to remain idle, but attempt some deeds of arms, since they were come thither to that effect; that all the French, Germans, and other foreigners, were willing to meet the Turks; and if under the command of Bajazet so much the better, as it would redound more to their honour. What the lord de Coucy said was approved of by the French, German, Bohemians, and others, as the most advantageous manner of employing the season.
Orders were, in consequence, issued by the king and marshals, that every one be prepared by a certain day, which was appointed on the octave of Saint John the Baptist, to march for Turkey. These orders were punctually obeyed; and you would have seen servants busily employed in preparing all things for their masters’ wants. The lords of France were desirous of making a handsome figure, and examined well their armour and equipage, sparing no money to have them is complete as possible. Their appearance was grandly magnificent, when they took the field from Buda, the principal city of Hungary. The constable of Hungary had the command of the van division, because he knew the country 601 well, and led with him a large body of Hungarians and Germans. Next to him marched the French lords, the constable of France, the count de la Marche, the lord de Coucy, the lords Henry and Philip de Bar, and many more.
With the king of Hungary rode the greatest barons of his realm, as was proper, and by his side John of Burgundy, who often conversed with him. They were full sixty thousand horse: the infantry were few in number, indeed none but the followers of the army. The array of the Christians was noble and handsome; and among the Hungarians were many cross-bow men on horseback. This army advanced until it came to the banks of the Danube, which it crossed in barges, boats, and pontoons, prepared some time since or this purpose. It as more than eight days before all had passed over; and as they landed on the opposite shore, they lodged themselves to wait for their companions. The Danube divides the kingdoms of Hungary and Turkey. When the whole army had crossed, they were delighted to find themselves on Turkish ground, for they were impatient to try the courage of the Turks. After a council, they resolved to besiege a town in Turkey called Comecte†, and made preparations to invest it on all sides. This could easily be done; for it is situated in an open plain, with a river deep enough to bear vessels, called the Mecte‡, which rises in Turkey, and falls into the Danube near the sea. This river Danube is very wide, and has more than four hundred leagues of course from its spring to the sea; it would be the most profitable of rivers to Hungary and the adjoining countries, if the vessels it carries could have a free passage to the sea, but that is impossible; for, right at its mouth, there is a mountain which divides it into two parts, and chokes the passage: the noise of the waters is so tremendous, no vessel dares approach it, and it may be heard seven leagues off. On both sides of the river Mecte are fertile meads, to the great advantage of the inhabitants, and vineyards, which in favourable seasons produce good wines. The Turks vintage them, and, when made, they are put into goat-skins, and sold to the Christians, for, according to their religion, they are forbidden to taste wine under pain of death; at least when discovered so going, they are punished: they make pleasant beverages of many other excellent fruits and spices, and are accustomed to drink much of goat’s milk, during the hot weather, to refresh and cool them.
The king of Hungary encamped his army before this town without opposition, for no one 603 made any attempt to prevent the siege; nor what there any person or army in the place, from Bajazet, to guard or defend it. On their arrival, they found the fruits ripe, which was a great comfort to them. Many attacks were made on the town, but they were valiantly opposed by the inhabitants, in the expectation of daily receiving reinforcements from Bajazet, their lord, to raise the siege. None, however, came and the city was taken by storm, with great slaughter of men, women, and children; for the Christians on entering it spared none. When Comecte had thus been destroyed, the king of Hungary decamped with his army, and advanced farther into Turkey towards the large city of Nicopoli; but, before he arrived there, he came to a town called Laquaire, where he encamped fifteen days, for it was so long before he could conquer it. This was also taken by storm, and destroyed. They then marched to another town and castle called Brehappe, governed by a Turkish knight, the lord of the place, who had with him a strong garrison.
The king of Hungary encamped his Hungarians about a league distant from it on account of water, for there was none nearer Brehappe; but he counts de Nevers, d’Eu, de la Marche, and the lords de Coucy, Boucicaut, de Saimpi, de Roye, Henry and Philip de Bar, with more than a thousand French knights and squires, made their approaches close to the town. The count de Nevers had been created a knight by the king of Hungary, on his entering Turkey; and, the day he displayed his banner, upwards of three hundred were knighted. Those who had advanced to the town won it, within four days, by assault; but the castle was too strong, and resisted all their attacks. The lord of Brehappe, whose name was, I believe, Corbadas, a very valiant man, saved many of his people within the castle. He had three brothers, called Maladius, Balachius, and Ruffin. After the capture of the town, the Christians were seven days before the castle, and attacked it many times, but they lost more than they gained. These four brothers showed they were men of valour by the defence they made. The French lords having well considered the strength of the castle, and that they lost more than they won, saw plainly their attempts would be vain, and decamped, for they had heard the king of Hungary was desirous to lay siege to Nicopoli. Thus was the siege of Brehappe Castle broken up, and the garrison left in peace, but the town was burnt. The count de Nevers and the lords of France joined the king of Hungary, who instantly prepared to march to Nicopoli.
Corbaddas de Brehappe was well placed to observe the Christians marching away, and said, — “We shall now be undisturbed for some time: if my town be burnt, it will be rebuilt and recover itself: but I am surprised that we have no news from our sultan Bajazet; for he told me, that last time I spoke with him in the city of Nicopoli, that he would return to his country the beginning of May. His intentions were to cross the Hellespont, and march to Hungary to offer battle to the Christians, as he had sent to inform the king of Hungary. But this he has not done; and the Hungarians, greatly strengthened and emboldened by succours from France, have crossed the Danube and entered Turkey, were they will destroy all the possessions of Bajazet, for we have no force to oppose them. They will now for certain besiege Nicopoli, which, although sufficiently strong to hold out for some time, must be well defended. We are four brothers, knights, and relations to Bajazet: we ought, therefore, to attend to his concerns; and, in consequence, I propose the following plan; I and my brother Maladius will go to Nicopoli to assist in its defence; Balachius shall remain here to guard Brehappe, and Ruffin shall cross the sea and hasten to find Bajazet, and inform him of everything that has happened, and the great army that has invaded Turkey, that he may take instant measures to prevent the dishonourable loss of his possessions, and march such a force against the Christians as may conquer them; otherwise he will not only lose Armenia that he has won, but his own territories also; for, according to appearances, the king of Hungary, and the Christians are determined to attempt his complete destruction.” The three Turks approved of what their brother had said, and promised obedience. They made preparations accordingly; and, in the mean time, the siege was laid before Nicopoli by the Christian army, amounting to nearly one hundred thousand men. Corbadas de Brehappe and his brother Maladius gained admittance into the town, to the joy of the inhabitants. Balachius remained in the castle of Brehappe, and Ruffin too, the first opportunity of setting out, passing the Christian army in the night, for he was 604 well acquainted with the country, and crossed the Hellespont to learn intelligence where Bajazet was.
In truth, Bajazet was at Cairo with the sultan of Babylon, to solicit his aid, and there the Turk found him. When Bajazet saw him, he was much surprised, and imagined something extraordinary had happened. He called to him, and asked how things were going on in Turkey. “My lord,” replied he, “they are very anxious to see you there, for the king of Hungary, with an immense force, ahs crossed the Danube, and invaded the country. They have committed great destruction, and burnt five or six of your inclosed towns; when I left Brehappe, they were marching to Nicopoli. My brothers Corbadas and Maladius have thrown themselves, with some men at arms, in to the town Ito assist in the defence. You must know, that in this army of the king of Hungary, there is a boy of Frenchmen, the most gallant and best appointed that can be seen. It behoves you, therefore, to summon your friends and vassals, and hasten to Turkey with an army powerful enough to drive these Christians across the Danube; but if your force is not very considerable, you will not be able to accomplish it.”
“How many are they?” asked Bajazet. “Upwards of one hundred thousand,” said the Turk, “and all on horseback, armed in the best possible manner.” Bajazet made no reply to this, but entered the chamber of the sultan of Babylon, leaving the Turk, who had brought this intelligence, among this people. He related what you have just heart to the sultan of Babylon, who answered, — ‘You must provide yourself accordingly, and shall have men enough to oppose them, for we must, by all means, defend our religion and possessions.” “That is true,” replied Bajazet, “and my wishes are now accomplished, for I was desirous that the king of Hungary would cross the Danube with his army to enter Turkey. At present, is hall let him have full scope, but in the end he shall repay me fully for what he has done. It is four months since I heard of this expedition, from my good friend the duke of Milan, who at the same time sent me twelve hawks and gerfalcons, the finest I ever saw. With these presents, he wrote me the names sand surnames of the barons of France who were coming to carry the war into Turkey; adding, that if I could capture those named in his letter, their ransoms would be worth to me more than a million of florins. Besides the barons he mentioned, there ought to be with them from France, or the neighbouring countries, five hundred gallant squires. The duke of Milan advised me, if we had a battle (which will infallibly be the case, for I shall march to meet them), to draw up my men with prudence, and to take every advantage in the combat; for they were all men of such ability and resolution, that the meanest would not fly, to avoid death. They have undertaken this expedition, as the duke writes me, solely through valour, to do some deeds of arms that may gain them renown. For this I feel myself thankful to them; and their desire for arms shall be gratified within three months from this time, when, perhaps, they may have more than sufficient.”
* “Nicopoli,” — on the Danube, in Bulgaria, sixty leagues N.W. from Adrianople. It is famous for the battle, in 1393, between Sigismond, king of Hungary, and Bajazet. Sigismond lost the battle and twenty thousand men; but it cost Bajazet sixty thousand, who were left dead on the field.
† “Comecte.” Q. Nissa.
‡ “Mecte.” Q. Morava.
CHAPTER LXXV. — A DIGRESSION FROM THE PRINCIPAL HISTORY, TO EXPLAIN WHY JOHN GALEAS OF MILAN WAS MOVED TO GIVE THE TURK INFORMATION OF THE EXPEDITION INTENDED AGAINST HIM.
WHAT Bajazet had told the sultan of Babylon respecting the information he had received from the lord of Milan must surprise every one. It was supposed he had been baptised and was regenerated in our faith, and yet he has sought the friendship and alliance of an infidel king, an enemy to our religion, and had every years sent him presents of hounds and hawks, or the finest linen cloth that could be procured at Rheims, Cambray, or in Holland, which is very agreeable to the Saracens, who have none but what comes from our country. Bajazet, in return, made him rich gifts of cloth of gold and precious stones, of which they have abundance; and we cannot obtain them without great risk, unless by means of the Venetians or Genoese, who traffic with those parts. With regard to the count de Vertus, duke of Milan, and the lord Galeas, his father, who reigned over the Milanese as tyrants, it is marvellous to think of their fortunes, and how they first gained possession of that country.
605There were three brothers of the house of Visconti, sir Matthew, sir Galeas, and sir Bernabo. These three brothers had an uncle* who was archbishop of Milan during the time the lord Charles de Luxembourg, king of Bohemia an Germany, was elected emperor in the room of Lewis of Bavaria, who had obtained that dignity by force. He was never acknowledged emperor by the church, but, on the contrary, was excommunicated by pope Innocent VI., who then reigned. The cause of his excommunication was, that after being crowned at Rome, by a pope and twelve cardinals of his creation, he gave liberty to his German soldiers to plunder Rome, to make them amends or the pay that was due. This was the recompense the Romans received for the reception they gave him; and for this cause he died under sentence of excommunication. The pope and cardinals whom he had made came of their free will to Avignon, and submitted themselves to pope innocent who absolved them of their error.”
To return to the lords of Milan: I will say how they first obtained possession of the Milanese. This archbishop, their uncle, received in Milan the new emperor on his return from Aix-la-Chapelle (where he had performed the usual ceremonies for forty days) with so much magnificence and splendour that, in return for this good cheer and for a loan of one hundred thousand ducats, the emperor created him viscount of Milan, and gave to him the territory of the Milanese, and to his nephews after him, to hold during pleasure, and until the hundred thousand ducats were repaid in one sum. When the archbishop died, his nephew, sir Mathew, was acknowledged by the emperor as viscount of Milan. His two brothers, sir Galeas and sir Bernabo, who then were far from rich, took counsel together, and determined to seize the government and rule over Lombardy: to accomplish this, they resolved on their brother’s death, by poison or otherwise.†, and then to unite themselves so strongly by marriage that no one would dare to anger them. After the death of sir Mathew, they reigned with great power, and were on the best terms during their lives. They divided the country of Lombardy between them: sir Galeas had ten towns, being the eldest brother, and sir Bernabo nine; and Milan was governed alternately by them for one year. To maintain their government, and supply their expenses, they laid heavy taxes and gabelles on the people, and, by various means, extorted great wealth from their subjects. They had their towns garrisoned with foreign mercenaries, Germans, French, Bretons, English, and from every nation except Lombardy, for in the Lombards they had no confidence. These soldiers were regularly paid every month, and were much decreased by the people, for none dared to oppose them. When any of the neighbouring lords ventured to resist their encroachments, they took a severe revenge, and destroyed several, that others might take warning.
The inhabitants of their towns were under such awe, that they possessed nothing but through the good pleasure of sir Galeas and sir Bernabo, and those who were rich they taxed three or four times a year. They said the Lombards were too proud of their riches, and good for nothing unless kept under subjection. They were indeed so by them, for none dared murmur or say a word against any of their commands. The two brothers married nobly, but they bought their wives from the wealth of their people. Sir Galeas espoused Blanche, sister to the good count of Savoy: before he had his consent, he gave him one hundred thousand ducats. Sir Bernabo married in Germany a sister to the duke of Brunswick, and did not pay a less sum than his brother had done‡. They had many children, whom they married to powerful families, to add to their strength. Sir Galeas had a son called John Galeas, and when he heard that king John of France had obtained his liberty from England, and that he was in great difficulty to procure the first payment of his ransom, of three millions of francs, he negotiated with the king and his council to have one of the daughters of France for wife to his son John Galeas. His proposals were listened to, because they knew he was rich, and the king was distressed for money. He bought, therefore, the daughter of 606 king John for six hundred thousand francs, which being paid to the king of England, his son married her. She brought as her dower the county of Vertus in Champagne. They had a son and a daughter, and the last was married, by dint of money, to the second son of the late king Charles V. called Lewis, who is at this moment duke of Orleans, count of Blois and of Valois. This marriage cost the count de Vertus, father of the lady, one million of francs, with part of which was bought the county of Blois, as you have heard related in this history. The two brothers lived in great friendship with each other, which increased their power; and neither pope nor cardinal, who made war against them, could gain any advantage, nor any prince, except the marquis of Montferrat, who succeeded through the aid of sir John Hawkwood and the English companies, whom he sought in Provence, and le into Lombardy.
After the death of Galeas, his son John Galeas, count de Vertus, reigned with great power and at the beginning was much beloved in Lombardy for his prudent and wise conduct. He abolished the most oppressive taxes his father had imposed, and was so popular that all spoke well of him; but when he had so far succeeded, he showed his natural disposition, which he had long restrained. He laid an ambuscade for his uncle, sir Bernabo, who thought himself on the best terms with him; and, when he was taken, he was told that one lord was sufficient for Lombardy. He could not obtain any favour, for the power was against him, and, being carried to a castle, was put to death, but how I know not. Sir Bernabo had many fine children; and the queen of France is the daughter of one that was married to the duke of Austria and Bavaria. Sir Galeas seized all the children of his uncle he could lay hands on, was well as his possession, which he annexed to his own, and reined in great splendour and wealth. He shortly after renewed the taxes he had taken off, and extorted money from his subjects by every means of imposition, which made him more feared than loved. He followed the errors of his father, declaring and maintaining, that he would never believe in, nor adore God: in consequence, he deprived the monasteries of great part of their revenues, which he appropriated to himself, saying, the monks lived to indelicately on rich food and choice wines, that such superfluities prevented them from rising at midnight to perform their church duties, and that Saint Benedict had not thus framed his laws for their conduct, but he would bring them back to eggs and thin wine, that their voices might be louder and clearer to chaunt in the church.
Thus did sir Galeas, father and son, and sir Bernabo, act like popes in their dominions as long as they lived: they did much injustice to churchmen, without fearing anything the popes might say or do against them; and when the schism happened, and the two popes of Rome and Avignon were excommunicating each other, these lords of Milan laughed at both, as indeed did many other great lords. The daughter of this sir John Galeas, duchess of Orleans, inherited more of the dispositions of her father than of her mother, who was a princess of France; for she was envious, and covetous of the pomp of this world, and would gladly have seen her lord king of France, no matter how. A scandalous report was very current, that the disorder of the king, which had so much distressed the kingdom, and baffled all the skill of the physicians, was owing to her. I will say what gave rise to these suspicions, and made them the more readily believed.
Valentina, duchess of Orleans, had a handsome son of the age of the dauphin of France, and while these two children were playing together in the chamber of the duchess, a poisoned apple was thrown on the floor, near the dauphin, in hopes he would take it, but, through God’s providence, he did not. The son of the duchess, thinking no harm, ran and ate it, but he had no sooner put it into his mouth than death followed, in spite of every care to prevent it. Those who had the government of the dauphin carried him away, and never allowed him afterward to enter the apartments of the duchess. This story caused great murmurings in Paris and elsewhere, and the people were so enraged against her, as to occasion the duke to hear of it; they publicly said in Paris, that if she was not prevented from being near the king, they would come and take her away by force and put her to death, for that she intended to poison the king and all his family, having already made him suffer by her enchantments. What gave additional weight to this, was the king’s refusal, during his illness, to see the queen, whom he would not recollect, nor any other person than the duchess of Orleans. The duke of Orleans, to put an end to these scandalous reports, took her away from the hôtel de 607 Saint Pol himself, and sent her to one of his castles called Asnieres, on the road to Beauvais, where she remained some time without ever passing the gates of the castle. She was removed thence to Neufchâtel on the Loire, and the duke hated her much for the accident which had happened to his son: his other fine children, however, softened his resentment to her.
Intelligence of this was carried to Milan, and sir Galeas heard with fear the great danger his daughter was in. He was very wroth with the king of France and his ministers, and sent sir James de la Berme, with other noble persons, ambassadors to France, to excuse his daughter, and to say, that if any knight should accuse her of treason, he would provide a person to challenge him to mortal combat. At the time these ambassadors came to Paris, the king was in tolerable health; but very little attention was paid them, or to the excuses they made for the duchess of Orleans, and they received a short answer. When they saw this, they returned to Milan to relate to the duke what they had seen and heard. The duke was more angered than before, and sent his defiance to the king and kingdom of France; but, when it was brought, the most gallant part of the French chivalry had already set out for Hungary, and were now entered into Turkey. From spite to the king of France, the duke of Milan had formed an alliance with Bajazet; and by his means was the sultan regularly informed of all that was passing in Christendom, and the secret history of France.
We will now leave his matter, and say how the sultan Bajazet and the Christian barons and knights in Turkey prospered.
* Giovanni Visconti. — ED.
† Although they might have intended the crime, they had no necessity for its perpetration. Matthew died from the effects of his intemperance. — ED.
‡ Galeas Visconti married Blanche of Savoy, 10th September, 1350. Bernabo married Beatrix Scaligera, through pride called Regina. 27th September, 1350.
Anderson’s Royal Genealogies.
CHAPTER LXXVI. — WHILE BAJAZET IS RAISING A GREAT ARMY TO OPPOSE THE HUNGARIANS AND FRENCH, THE LORD DE COUCY, DURING THE SIEGE OF NICOPOLI, DEFEATS A LARGE BODY OF TURKS WITH AN INFERIOR FORCE.
BAJAZET made no long stay at Cairo with the sultan of Babylon, who promised to send a great army to his aid under the command of his best men at arms, that he might successfully oppose the barons and knights of France. They despatched messengers on all sides to all who they imagined could assist, begging they would exert themselves in this affair, which was become of the greatest consequence; for, should the French conquer Turkey, all the surrounding kingdoms would tremble, their religion be destroyed, and themselves reduced to slavery under the Christians, and it were far better to die before such events should happen.
Many Saracen kings obeyed the summons which Bajazet and the sultan of Babylon had sent as far as Persia, Media, and Tartary, and to the north of the kingdom of Lecto*, beyond the frontiers of Prussia. The Saracen monarchs, having heard the army of the Christians was composed of the flower of their chivalry, selected from their own sect those of the greatest ability, and who had been longest trained to arms; so that their armament was not soon ready to march, nor their purveyances prepared. It was the intention of Bajazet to raise a force sufficient to withstand the Christians: he therefore began his march towards Turkey, followed by large companies from various parts. Tartary, Persia, and Media, sent him many valiant Saracens, who were impatient for the combat, and to try their force against the Christians.
We will now leave Bajazet, and return to the Christians, who were besieging the strong city of Nicopoli. The garrison was very numerous, and defended the place valiantly against the attacks of their enemies, but expressed themselves much surprised that they heard nothing of Bajazet. The emperor of Constantinople had indeed written to say, that he was still in the country about Alexandria. The besieging army lay before Nicopoli, having provision in abundance which came to them from Hungary and the surrounding countries. During the siege, the lord de Coucy and some other French knights took a fancy to make an expedition farther into Turkey, for they were tired of remaining so long inactive, while the king of Hungary should continue his approaches to the town. The lord de Coucy, as commander in chief, left the camp with about five hundred lances and as many cross-bows, on horseback, accompanied by the lords de Roye, de Saint Py, the governor of Beauvoir, the lord de Montcaurel, the borgne de Montquel, and several more. They selected as guides some of the 608 best mounted Hungarian scouts, well acquainted with the country, to lead them where they thought was probable to meet the enemy. This same week, the Turks likewise took the field to the amount of twenty thousand men; for, having heard the Christians were destroying and burning their country, they determined to put an end to it. They collected in the force I have said, and advanced to a pass through which it was necessary the Christians should march to enter the open country, for there was no other entrance. Having remained there for two days without hearing anything of the enemy, they were on the point of returning the third day, when the Hungarian scouts came galloping† to the place where the Turks lay in ambush. When they thus saw them, they kept quiet to observe the Christians, without making any sally or throwing a lance. The Christians advanced near to the Turks, and although they could not see the whole, found they were very numerous. After a short stay, they returned to inform the lord de Coucy and the other lords what they had seen. The Christians were rejoiced on hearing it, and the lord de Coucy said, — “We must advance, and see what kind of people they are; for, since we are come thus far, we must not return without offering them combat, otherwise we may be blamed.” “You are in the right,” answered such lords as heard him.
They then tightened their armour, regirthed their horses, and advanced at a gentle pace where the Turks lay. There was a small wood between the two parties: when the French knights came to it, they halted, and the lord de Coucy said to sir Reginald de Roye and the lord de Saint Py, — “I would advise, in order to draw the Turks out of their ambush, that you two advance with one hundred of our men, while we post the remainder in this wood. The Turks, seeing so small a party, will quit their ambush: do you suffer yourselves to be pursued, and, when past this wood, wheel round on them: we will instantly sally forth, and thus inclose and conquer them at our pleasure.” This plan was adopted, and the two knights set off with about one hundred of the best mounted: the main body, to the amount of eight hundred men of tried courage, entered the wood, where they hid themselves. The others galloped towards the Turks, who were much pleased, thinking what they saw was the whole fore of the enemy: they quitted their ambuscade and advanced on the plain. The Christian 609 lords, observing this, turned about, and suffered themselves to be pursued, but, as they were so well mounted, the Turks could not come up with them. Both parties passed the wood without the ambush being noticed, when the lord de Coucy sallied forth, with his men, shouting, “Our Lady for the lord de Coucy!” and, falling on the rear of the Turks, struck down many.
The Turks halted, on finding themselves thus surrounded, and made the best defence they could; but it little availed, for, not suspecting any forces behind, they were thunderstruck when they were attacked on all sides. The French displayed great valour, and overthrew all that opposed them: they slew heaps on the field, and killed all they overtook in their flight like wild beasts. The showed mercy to none, and happy were they who could save themselves. After this defeat, the French returned in the evening to the camp before Nicopoli.
News was spread throughout the army that the lord de Coucy had, by his valour, overthrown more than fifteen thousand Turks. Very many were loud in his praise for this action, but not so the count d’Eu; for he said, “the expedition had been undertaken through vanity, and that he saw nothing praise-worthy in it, as it had put the detachment under his command in great risk, by attacking so very superior a force. It was, beside, his duty since he was so eager to perform some deeds of arms, and had met the Turks in the field) to have sent information of his intention to the commander in chief, the count de Nevers, who was anxious to gain renown.” thus, through envy as it may be supposed, did the count d’Eu speak of the lord de Coucy. During the whole expedition, he never had any friendship for him, notwithstanding he saw that he was beloved and respected by all the French and foreign knights, which, he imagined, should have been his due; for he was very nearly connected by blood with the king of France, and bore for arms the flower de luces with a bar, and was besides constable of France. Such was the beginning of the hatred of the count d’Eu to the gallant lord de Coucy, which at last broke out, and caused the destruction of the Christian army, as you will soon have related.
We will now leave this subject, and return to what was passing between the kings of France and England.
* “Lecto.” MS. Locco. Qy. Lithuania.
† It is in D. Sauvage “came to Brechaut;” but the MS. in the Museum has it as in the text, and my MS. “brochant” (spurring) instead of “courant.”
CHAPTER LXXVII. — THE DUKE OF GUELDRES PREVENTS THE EARL OF DERBY JOINING THE COUNTS OF HAINAULT AND OF OSTREVANT IN THEIR EXPEDITION AGAINST FRIESLAND. — NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE BETWEEN FRANCE AND ENGLAND ARE CONTINUED UNTIL KING RICHARD CROSSES OVER TO CALAIS, TO CONCLUDE THEM WITH THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.
YOU have before heard in this history that the marriage of the king of England with a princess of France was nearly approaching; that the two kings showed great affection to each other, as did the relatives on either side, excepting the duke of Gloucester. But he had no joy in it; for he knew that, by this connection, peace would be established between the two kingdoms, which he would unwillingly see, for he only wished for war, and excited all whom he thought so inclined, to throw every obstacle in the way. At that time, there was a knight in his service, called sir John Baquigay*, a reserved man, who knew all the secrets of the duke, and who, by encouraging his warlike dispositions, followed the natural bent of his own inclinations.
At this period, the duke of Gueldres came to England to visit the king and his uncles, and to offer his loyal services, for he was so bounden by faith and homage. The duke would gladly have seen the king making preparations for war, for he disliked peace. The duke of Gueldres had many conversations with the duke of Lancaster respecting the intended expedition of the counts of Hainault and of Ostrevant against Friesland; for at this moment Fier-a-bras de Vertain was in England, having been sent thither by the count d’Ostrevant to seek men at arms and archers. The earl of Derby had been requested to accompany his 610 cousins to Hainault and Ostrevant, to which he was well inclined, and had told Fier-a-bras that he should be well pleased to go to Friesland, if it met the approbation of the king and his father. When, therefore, the duke of Gueldres came to England, the duke of Lancaster spoke to him on this subject, and desired him to say what he thought of it. He replied, “That the expedition would be attended with much danger; that Friesland was not a country easily conquered, and that man counts of Holland and Hainault, who in former times claimed it as their inheritance, had marched thither with great force, to bring it under their subjection, but had never returned. The Frieslanders are a people void of humour and understanding, and show mercy to none who fall in their way. They pay no respect to any lord, however great his rank; and their country is very strong, surrounded by the sea, full of bogs, islands, and marshes, so that no persons can find their way through it but the natives. I have been much pressed to join this expedition, but I will never enter such a country; and I would not advise that my cousin of Derby go thither, for it is not suitable to him. I am satisfied my brother-in-law d’Ostrevant will undertake the expedition, for he is very eager to do so, and will lead many Hainaulters with him, but there is a chance if any of them ever come home again.”
This speech of the duke of Gueldres had such an effect on the duke of Lancaster, that he resolved in his own mind the earl of Derby should not go to Friesland. He signified to him secretly his intentions, for his son did not live with him, and that, notwithstanding the engagements he had entered into, he must break them off, for neither the king nor himself would consent that he should go on this expedition. Thus did the duke of Gueldres prevent the count of Hainault and his son from having the company of the earl of Derby, in which respect he was not well advised, nor was he thanked by either; but he was by nature all his life proud and envious.
Fier-a-bras de Vertain, notwithstanding this disappointment, was not the less diligent in collecting forces, and had engaged many knights and squires, with more than two hundred archers. But the earl of Derby excused himself, for the reasons above-mentioned. His excuses were accepted, for they plainly saw, that had not the king forbidden his going, at the request of the duke of Lancaster, he would have been of the party. The king of England, to do honour to his cousin of Hainault, ordered vessels to be prepared in the Thames to carry, at his cost, such knights as went on this expedition to Encuse†, a sea-port belonging to the earl of Hainault, at the extremity of Holland, and twelve leagues by water from Friesland.
About this time, the king of France sent Waleran count de Saint Pol to England to press forward the treaty for peace, and to urge secretly the king of England to its conclusion. Robert the hermit, who had been before in England on this subject, and willingly listened to by the king, accompanied the count de Saint Pol. On the count’s arrival in England, he found the king at his palace of Eltham, with his brothers the earls of Kent and Huntingdon, and his uncle the duke of Lancaster. The king received him with pleasure and kindness, and, having patiently heard all he had to say, took him aside, and replied, — “Fair brother of Saint Pol, with regard to this treaty of peace with my father-in-law the king of France, I am heartily inclined to it; but I cannot accomplish it alone, nor do everything myself. True it is, that my two brothers, and two uncles of Lancaster and York, are equally desirous for it as myself; but my other uncle of Gloucester is violently against it, and he leads the Londoners as he wills, and may attempt to stir up a rebellion in the country, and raise the people against me. Now, consider the danger I should run if there were a second rebellion, headed by the duke of Gloucester and other great barons and knights who are, as I know, of his way of thinking. I am puzzled how to act, for my uncle of Gloucester is of so reserved a nature, no one knows his real thoughts.” “My lord,” answered the count de St. Pol, “you must gain him over by fair and kind speeches. Make him handsome presents, and, should he demand anything, however unreasonable, grant it him instantly. This is the only means to gain him; and, if you continue such conduct until your marriage be completed, your queen brought hither, and all affairs concluded, you may then follow a different method; for you will be powerful enough to crush all your enemies or rebellious subjects, as the king of 611 France will at all times be ready to assist you, and this you may securely depend upon.” “In God’s name, brother-in-law,” said the king, “You speak to the purpose, and it shall be as you advise.”
The count de Saint Pol was lodged in London during his stay in England; but he had frequent conferences with the king at Eltham, and with the duke of Lancaster on the subject of the marriage. It had been ordered at Paris, as the count told the king, that the king of France and his uncles would come to Saint Omer, and bring the young princess with them who was to be queen of England. It was therefore their wish that the king of England should come to Calais, and that, between the towns of Saint Omer and Calais, an interview should take place between the two kings, who from personal knowledge would have their affections much strengthened; and then there might be some secret treaties in the business, before the king carried his queen to England. If a peace could not be concluded, the truce was then to be prolonged for the term of thirty or forty years, between France, England, and their allies. This proposal seemed so fair and honourable to the king of England and his council, that orders were instantly issued for purveyances of every kind to be made ready for the king’s voyage and residence at Calais. Many lords did the same. The duke and duchess of Gloucester, with their children, were invited by the king to be of the party, as were the dukes and duchess of York and Lancaster: this last lady, being with her lord at Eltham, had already been asked. The king and the count de Saint Pol travelled together through Canterbury to Dover, followed by all the lords who had been invited to accompany him. In truth, the count de Saint Pol, from his impatience to carry the news to the king of France, crossed the sea on is arrival at Dover to Boulogne, and hastened thence to Paris, and related to the king and his uncles every thing which had passed with the king of England. This gave general satisfaction, and the king and court set out from Paris, and by short days’ journeys came to Amiens.
In the mean time, the king of England, his uncles, and a large train of lords and ladies, had crossed the sea to Calais, where they were lodged. The duke of Burgundy came to St. Omer to press forward the treaties, which were carried on through the mediations of the count de St. Pol and Robert the hermit. The duke of Burgundy was conducted by the count de St. Pol to Calais on the Eve of Our Lady the middle of August, to wait on the king of England and his uncles. He was welcomed with joy by the king and his lords; and they conferred together for some time on the articles for a peace, to the which the king inclined; indeed, to say the truth, he was indifferent what might be agreed on, provided he had his wife. When the duke of Burgundy had staid at Calais two days negotiating a peace, the king told him that he would lay all the articles on his return to England before the parliament; for neither himself nor his lords could agree to anything conclusive without the assent of the people of England, and it must be deferred until their will were known. He added, that he himself would go over, and return, and so make one journey for the conclusion of all things. That will be well done,” replied the duke of Burgundy and the count de Saint Pol; who returned to St. Omer, and thence to Amiens, where they expected to meet the king and queen of France with their daughter, the future queen of England. The dukes of Berry and Brittany were also there; for the king of France had sent for the last-mentioned duke, who came thither in great array.
The king of England and his lords returned to London; but their ladies remained until they should come back, which was speedily done. During this period, the expedition from Hainault against the Frieslanders took place, commanded by the earl of Hainault and his son the count d’Ostrevant. We will relate the arrangement of it, for it is now time.
* “Baquigay.” — Museum MS. Hacquingay. — Hafod MS. Laquingay.
† “Encuse.” Q. Enchuysen. D. Sauvage, in a marginal note, calls it Neuse. My MS. has Emaise, — “la ville d’Emaise.”
CHAPTER LXXVIII. — THE COUNTS OF HAINAULT AND OF OSTREVANT RAISE A LARGE ARMY OF MEN AT ARMS, KNIGHTS AND SQUIRES, TO INVADE FRIESLAND. — THE KING OF FRANCE SENDS THEM ASSISTANCE, UNDER THE COMMAND OF COUNT WALERAN DE ST. POL AND THE LORD CHARLES D’ALBRET.
YOU have before heard the great desire duke Albert of Bavaria and his son William count d’Ostrevant had to invade Friesland, and to employ their arms in the conquest of it. The knights and squires of Hainault, Holland, and Zealand, were willing to second them, because they thought it was their lawful inheritance. To gain assistance, the count d’Ostrevant had sent one of his squires, a renowned man at arms, called Fier-a-bras de Vertain, to England, where he had been successful: king Richard, out of affection to his cousin, had sent him some men at arms, and two hundred archers, under the command of three English lords; one was named Cornewall, another Colleville, but the name of the third, who was a squire, I have forgotten. It was told me, and likewise that he was a gallant man at arms, and had long been used to war: a short time before, he had in a riot had his chin cut off, which was replaced by one of silver that was fastened by a silken cord tied round his heat. This force arrived at Enchuysen in proper time. To be more particular in this matter, I must say that I was informed duke Albert held many consultations with his son, the count d’Ostrevant, and they called into their councils a noble and valiant squire, named William de Croembourg*, who earnestly exhorted them to the war, for he mortally hated the Frieslanders. He had done them some mischief, and did them much more, as you shall hear.
Duke Albert of Bavaria set out from the Hague in company with his son, the count d’Ostrevant, for Hainault, and convened the states of that country at Mons, who readily obeyed the summons of their lord. He laid before them his wish to invade Friesland, and remonstrated on his right to do so, and the lawful claim he had on it. In proof of this, he had read to them certain letters patent, apostolical and imperial, authentically sealed with lead and gold, which evidently showed his right over that country. The duke addressed the meeting, — “My lords, and valiant men our subjects, you know that every one ought to guard and defend his inheritance, and that man, in the defence of himself or country, has a right to make war. You know also, that the Frieslanders ought to acknowledge themselves our subjects, but they are rebellious against us, and against our rights, like men without law or religion. Notwithstanding the justice of our claim, we cannot, my very dear lords, without your personal and pecuniary aid, attempt to make these people listen to reason. We therefore entreat your assistance in this necessity, both personal and pecuniary, that we may subjugate these disobedient Frieslanders to our will.”
To this remonstrance the three estates unanimously assented; and, as they were always inclined to company with the desires of their lord, they presented duke Albert, from the country of Hainault, the sum of thirty thousand francs in ready money, without including the town of Valenciennes. This town performed equally well its duty, for duke Albert, attended by his son, went thither, and made a similar request, to what he had done so successfully at Mons. These two valiant princes were very joyful to see their subjects so forward to assist their war, as it assured them they were well-beloved by them. Since they had now a sufficiency of money, they resolved to inform the king of France of their intended expedition, and to request aid from him. Two prudent and valiant knights, the lord de Ligne and the lord de Jumont, were sent thither, and acquitted themselves well, for they were much in favour with the French, especially the lord de Ligne, whom the king, from his partiality to him, had made one of his chamberlains. He proposed to the king of France the request of his lord, duke Albert of Bavaria, so eloquently, that he and his council promised the assistance he required. The duke of Burgundy was urgent for its being granted, cause his daughter having married the duke’s son, he thought, if the expedition were successful, it would be for the advantage of the count d’Ostrevant.
Many of the great barons disapproved of it, and spoke against it, saying, — “How can these Hainaulters come hither to solicit aid from our king, when they have already been to 613 ask the same from the English? Have we not lately seen that the count d’Ostrevant has accepted of the order of the Garter, which is the English device? Has he shown, by doing, any very great affection for France?” But others, who were better informed, replied, — “My fair sirs, you are wrong to talk thus; if the count d’Ostrevant has accepted the Garter, it was not to ally himself with England; for he is too strongly connected with the French. Is it not true that he has married the lady Catherine, daughter to the duke of Burgundy? and is not this a better and more valuable alliance than the blue Garter? Never, therefore, say that he will not prefer doing services to the French rather than to the English. The king will honour himself and exalt the French name, if he gives him the aid he has been wisely advised to afford.” Thus did the French converse on these mattes, which made a great noise in France, for nothing was talked of but the deeds of arms that were to be performed in Hungary or Turkey against Bajazet, and in Friesland against the Frieslanders. The king of France did not delay raising an army of five hundred lances, composed of Picards and French, and gave the command of them to the count Waleran de St. Pol and the lord Charles d’Albret, two nights that were well qualified for the business. They were to lead this body of men to the town of Enchuysen in lower Friesland, as that was the place of assembly for the whole army, and they were to embark there for upper Friesland, which they did.
When the two valiant knights, the lord de Ligne and the lord de Jumont, saw the good inclination of the king, and were assured that every order had been given, and the pay issued for the men at arms who were to be sent to assist the count of Hainault, they took leave of the king of France, and, thanking him for sis friendship to their lords, returned to Hainault, to relate to the duke of Bavaria and the count d’Ostrevant how successful they had been. They were received with the honours they had deserved, and detailed the courteous answers they received from the king of France and the duke of Burgundy, who had feasted them grandly, and the rich present that were given them, for which they thanked the duke and his son, as it was from affection to them they had been shown such courtesy. The whole would be too long to relate; we will therefore pass it over, and come to the principal matter.
Duke Albert, on hearing that the king of France was to send to his assistance five hundred lances, assembled all his barons and vassals of Hainault. The assembly consisted of the lord de Vertain, séneschal of Hainault, a very valiant man and renowned in arms; the lords de Ligne an de Gomegines, whom he appointed marshals of his army; the lords de Havreth, Michelet de Ligne, de Lalain, de Hordaing, de Chin, de Cautain, du Quesnoy, de Fleron, his brother John, the lords de Bousset, de Jumont (who were knights always eager to meet their enemies, but at this time they had bleared eyes, red as crimson), Robert le Roux; the lords de Monthaiux, de Fontaines, de Seulles, the lords James de Sars, William de Hermes, and Pinchart his brother; the lords de Lens, de Verlammont, Anseaux de Transeigines, Octes de Seaussines and is brother Gerard; the lord de Ictre, his brother John: sir de Anseaux de Sars, Bridaux de Montigny, Daniaux de la Poulle, Guy de la Poulle; the lord de Masting; sir Floridas de Villiers, who was a most valiant knight, and had gained great renown for his gallant deeds of arms against the Turks and Saracens in the Holy Land; sir Eustace de Vertain, sir Fier-a-bras de Vertain, who was but just returned from England, and rejoiced his lord with the success of his mission there; the lord de Osteven, sir Rasse de Montigny, Thuq de Merse; the lord de Rorsin, sir John d’Andregines, Persant his brother, and great numbers of other gentlemen and squires, whom, having assembled in his hall at Mons, he addressed, saying, “That he hoped they would all arm and provide themselves with followers and every necessary, each according to his power, to assist him in his intended expedition against Friesland; and that, out of affection to him, and regard to their own honour and renown, they would accompany him to his town of Enchuysen, in lower Friesland, and to Meemelie†, and thence embark with him for upper Friesland, where he proposed being, if it pleased God, by the middle of August ensuing, and that he would wait for them in one or other of the two before-mentioned towns; that it was his intention to go thither 614 beforehand to make the necessary preparations, and to receive his men at arms, and such Hollanders and Zealanders as would be induced to enter his service, and aid him to the accomplishment of his purposes. All the knights, squires and lords in Hainault instantly complied with his request, and promised him their services like loyal vassals. Duke Albert and the count d’Ostrevant found them punctual in the performance of their promises, and they made themselves speedily ready, so that about the beginning of August of the year 1396, they assembled and marched off in companies, handsomely arrayed, towards Antwerp, where they were to embark for Enchuysen, the general rendezvous.
You may suppose, that when all these preparations were making for the departure of so many knights and squires, the ladies and damsels were not in high spirits. We must allow they were very much cast down, for they saw their fathers, brothers, uncles, husbands and lovers, going on a dangerous expedition, not having forgotten how, in former times the Hainaulters with count William had remained on the field of battle in Friesland. They were therefore fearful that what had happened to their predecessors might befal them, and loudly praised the duchess of Brabant for having forbidden any gentlemen or others of her country to take part in this expedition. The ladies frequently pressed their loves and friends to decline going, and many meetings were holden, but to little purpose. They were particularly angry with Fier-a-bras, bastard de Vertain, for they said he was the principal promoter of this expedition. Duke Albert and his son, on leaving Mons after the promise of the Hainaulters to assist them, returned to Zealand, and made similar requests to the Zealanders, who in like manner complied; and the lord de la Vere, sir Floris de Boessel, Floris d’Abel, the lord de Zenemberge, sir Clais de Boysel and Philip de Cortein, were very instrumental in forwarding the business. They, as well as many other gentlemen, instantly armed, and put themselves in handsome array, plainly showing they were desirous to gain renown.
* “Croembourg.” — In my MS. Croemboure. Museum MS. Curembourch.
† “Meemelie.” — British Museum MS. Metenclich. Hafod MS. Metmelic. Q. if not Medendric, which is not far from Enchuysen.
CHAPTER LXXIX. — THE EARL OF HAINAULT LANDS WITH HIS ARMY IN FRIESLAND. — HE DEFEATS THE FRIESLANDERS IN BATTLE, BUT IS NEVERTHELESS FORCED TO RETIRE TO HOLLAND, TO PASS THE WINTER, WITHOUT HAVING GAINED ANY THING IN FRIESLAND.
THE duke of Bavaria and his son, having been so successful in Hainault and Zealand, made the same requests to the Hollanders, especially to the barons and chief towns. To say the truth, the Hollanders were much pleased to hear war was about to be made on the Frieslanders: they hated them, particularly the knights and squires, for there was a continual warfare carried on, and they mutually plundered each other on the frontiers of the two countries. When the great lords in Holland, such as the lord d’Atrel, and other gallant knights and squires, heard the supplications of their princes, duke Albert and his son count William, they immediately offered their services, and promised them every assistance. They were speedily armed, and the principal towns supplied them with a large body of cross-bows, pikemen and men at arms. It was not long before they were all assembled at Enchuysen, where vessels ad been provided to carry them to Friesland. They were so numerous, they were said to be thirty thousand sailors, and that the town of Haarlem alone had supplied twelve hundred. These vessels were amply freighted with warlike stores and other necessaries. You may imagine the grief of the ladies and damsels in Holland and Zealand was not less than those of Hainault, when they found their lovers and relations were engaged in this war. Their anger fell chiefly on the lord de Cruembourg, because they thought he had been the great adviser of duke Albert in the matter, and on the lord de Merebbede. This last was eager for revenge on the Frieslanders for the injuries they had done him: in the before mentioned battle, when count William was unfortunately slain, he had lost three-and-thirty of his relations, bearing his arms on their coasts, with sir Daniel de Merebbede their leader, none of whom would the Frieslanders ransom. These two lords, therefore, were afraid to appear before the princesses and ladies of duke Albert’s court.
In a short time, the whole army was assembled: the English came first, next the Hainaulters, in very handsome array, under the command of the lord séneschal de Jumont, and the lord de Gomegines, who was marshal; then the Hollanders and Zealanders; but the French did not come so soon as expected, which delayed the embarkation eleven days. During this interval, there arose a quarrel between the English and Hollanders; and, had it not been for the count d’Ostrevant, the English would have been slain. The quarrel was made up; and the French arrived, to the joy of all, for they consisted of a well-appointed body of men at arms. Every one was now ordered instantly to embark, which being done, they hoisted sail, recommended themselves to God, and put to sea. The water was smooth, and seemed to take pleasure in bearing them. There were such numbers of vessels that, had they been arranged in a line from Enchuysen to Kuynder (which is in upper Friesland, and where they intended to land), though twelve leagues distant, the whole sea would have been covered; but they sailed in one body.
We will for a while leave them, and speak of the Frieslanders, who, as I was informed, had been long acquainted with duke Albert’s intention of marching against them with a powerful army. They held many councils on the subject, and determined to combat their enemies at the very moment of their landing; for they said they should prefer death with liberty, to being slaves; and would never quit the battle while alive. They also resolved not to accept of ransoms for any person, however high his rank, but to put their prisoners to death, or keep them in banishment from their own countries. Among these was a Frieslander of high birth and renown: he was of great strength and stature, for he was taller by a head than all his countrymen. His name was Yves Jouvere; but the Hollanders, Zealanders and Hainaulters, called him “The great Frieslander.” This valiant man had gained much reputation in Prussia, Hungary, Turkey, Rhodes and Cyprus, where he had performed such deeds of valour that he was much spoken of. When he heard his countrymen thus readily resolved on battle, he addressed them, — “O ye noble men, and free Frieslanders, know that there is no fortune stable. If in former times you have, by your prowess, conquered the Hainaulters, Hollanders and Zealanders, those who are now about to invade us are men expert in war, and be assured they will act otherwise than their predecessors: 616 You will see they will not fly, but fight with the utmost prudence. I would therefore advise that we suffer them to land and make what progress they can into the country: let us guard our towns and fortresses, and give up to them the plains, where thy will waste themselves. Our country will not long support them. It is beside cut up with ditches and dykes, so that the cannot advance far into the interior, and they will be forced to return after having burnt ten or twelve villages, This they will the more speedily do, for they cannot ride, nor indeed without difficulty march on foot, through the country, which will wear them out. The damage they can do will be trifling, and we can soon repair it; but, if we offer them battle, I very much fear we shall be overpowered, for I have been credibly informed they are one hundred thousand men under arms.” He said truly, for they were at last as many, if not more.
Three valiant Friesland knights, sir Feu de Dorekerque, sir Gerard Cavin and sir Tiny de Walturg, seconded this proposal; but the people would not listen to it, and they were supported by several of those noble men called Elins, who are gentlemen and judges of causes. They opposed what the great Frieslander had offered with such success, as to occasion it to be determined that, as soon as they should hear of the enemy landing, they were to march and offer them combat. This being resolved on, the assembly broke up, that every one might make his preparations. To say the truth, they were in general very poorly armed: many had no other defensive covering than their waistcoats made of coarse thick cloth, scarcely better than horse-cloths. Some were armed in leather, others with rusty jackets of mail, which seemed unfit for service; but there were some perfectly well armed. When the Frieslanders were ready to march, they took from their churches the crosses and banners, and divided themselves into three battalions each consisting of about then thousand men: they halted, on arriving at a pass defended by a ditch, very near to where the Hainault army was to land, and plainly saw the Hainaulters, Hollanders, and Zealanders, for they were close to the shore, and preparing to disembark. It was on Saint Bartholomew’s day, which this year fell on a Sunday, that duke Albert and his army landed in Friesland.
The Frieslanders, noticing the movements of their enemies, sallied forth, to the amount of about is thousand, and mounted the dykes to see if they could any way prevent their landing. Among the Frieslanders, there was a sort of mad woman dressed in blue cloth, who, quitting her countrymen, rushed forward towards the Hainaulters and Hollanders, making ready for battle. When she had approached the army within bow-shot, she turned her back, and, raising up her petticoats and shift, showed her bare rump to all who wished to see it, bawling out some words in her own language, which meant, “Take this for your welcome.” Those on ship-board, seeing the wickedness of this woman, let fly such a shower of arrows and bolts that her legs and thighs were larded with them; for it seemed a shower of snow, so many were the arrows shot at her. Several leaped into the water, and, pursuing this wretched woman with drawn swords, soon overtook her, and cut her into a thousand pieces. In the mean time, the debarkation was taking effect; and the Hainaulters marched to the enemy, who received them courageously, with long pikes, and staves shod with iron, and repulsed them vigorously. The landing was strongly contested, and numbers were killed and wounded; but from the advantages of their bows and cross-bows, and by their superior mode of fighting, the Hainaulters gained the dyke, and remained victors on the field at this first attack. When they were all disembarked, they ranged themselves along the dyke, each under his banner, and when thus drawn up, their line extended more than half a league. The Frieslanders, on their loss of the dyke, retreated to another pass, where they had cast up the earth in their front, and the ditch was very deep: they amounted to about thirty thousand, and as they were at no great distance, were plainly seen by the Hainaulters and their allies, from their position on the dyke. Each party remained on the ground: in the mean time, the whole army was landed, with their baggage, and some tents were pitched, under which they reposed themselves during the Sunday and Monday, observing the Frieslanders, with whom on these two days there were many skirmishes and deeds of arms.
Both armies were ready prepared for battle on the Tuesday morning: and many new knights were made of the Hainaulters, Hollanders and Zealanders, when it was resolved to 617 attack the enemy. They drew up in handsome array, placing their archers in front intermixed with the ranks, and, with trumpets sounding, marched to pass the ditch. The Frieslanders guarded themselves from the arrows by means of the mount of earth thrown from the ditch, which was as high as their heads; but the Hollanders leaped into the ditch, and made bridges of their pikes and lances. The enemy defended themselves valiantly, and gave such rude blows on those who attempted to mount the bank, that they drove them on their backs into the ditch. In short so many valorous deeds were done, it is impossible to recount them all; but the Hainaulters and their allies were too strongly armed, and the Frieslanders could not otherwise hurt them than by knocking them down. The new knights acquitted themselves honourably, but the enemy displayed great courage: they are a lusty race, though very badly armed, and some of them without shoes or stockings; notwithstanding which, they made an obstinate defence. During this skirmish, the lord de Ligne, the séneschal of Hainault and the lord de Jumont, with other Hainault knights, following the course of the ditch found a passage for their horses, and fell upon the rear of the Frieslanders, to their utter dismay. They quitted the defence of the ditch to repel this last attack; but the Hainaulters charged them so vigorously, that the enemy were broken and dispersed, and the Hollanders and Zealanders crossed the ditch and jointed in the fray. The battle was now very murderous; and the Frieslanders gave destructive blows with the axes they had armed themselves with, which served them to fell timber; but the great Frieslander, Yves Jouvere, lost his life. Not long after this, the Frieslanders yielded the field, and took to flight as fast as they could. The carnage in the pursuit was horrible, for none were spared: the Hollanders, in particular, killed all they could overtake: even such as had been made prisoners by the English, French and Hainaulters, they killed while in their hands.
The lord William de Croembourg, and his two sons, John and Henry, who had that morning been knights, acquitted themselves gallantly, and were the most active in slaying the Frieslanders, showing clearly they loved them not. To conclude, the Frieslanders were completely defeated and the greater part killed: some few were made prisoners, and about fifty carried to the Hague, where they remained a long time. The lord of Kuynder, who was the lord of the town where duke Albert had landed, had surrendered himself to the duke on the Monday, and himself and two sons were in the battle against the Frieslanders. They lived afterwards under the protection of duke Albert and his son count William.
After this defeat, the Hainaulters, Hollanders, Zealanders, French and English, quartered themselves about Kuynder, and took several towns and castles; but their captures were inconsiderable, for the Frieslanders did them much harm by ambuscades and skirmishes. If they made any prisoners, they had no ransom to offer; and it was seldom they would surrender, but fought until they were slain, saying they preferred death and liberty to being under the subjection of any lord whatever. Their friends or relations never brought any ransoms for those who were taken, but left them to die in prison. The Frieslanders offered their prisoners in exchange, man for man; but, when their enemies had none to give in return, they put them to death. When the Hainault army had been in the country about five weeks, and had destroyed and burnt many towns and villages of little value indeed, the weather began to be very cold and to rain almost daily: there were also great tempests at sea. Duke Albert and his son, in consequence, proposed the return of the army to lower Friesland, whence they had come, and to march into Holland, the more comfortably to pass the winter, which had sent in very hard. This was done; and on their arrival at Enchuysen, the lords dismissed their men, particularly the strangers, with whom they were well contented, and paid them their full pay, thanking them at the same time for the services they had rendered. Thus was this great army disbanded, without having made any conquest: but, two years after, these noble princes, duke Albert and his son count William, returned thither a second time, and made great conquests by their excellent prowess, which, if it please God, shall be fully recounted. But for the moment we will not say more, and relate the magnificent marriage of the king of England with the princess Isabella of France.
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