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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq; London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 172-181.
IT has been before mentioned, that the earl of Derby had remained in the city of Bordeaux during the siege of Aiguillon. As soon as he was informed that the duke of Normandy had raised the siege, he issued out his summons to all knights and squires in Gascony that were attached to the English. In obedience to which, there came to Bordeaux the lords d’Albret, de l’Esparre, de Rosem, de Mucidan, de Pumiers, de Courton, de Bouqueton, sir Aymery de Traste, and many others. The earl collected twelve hundred men at arms, two thousand archers, and three thousand infantry. With these he crossed the Garonne, between Bordeaux and Blayes, and took the road for Saintonge. He first came before Mirabeau*, which he took by assault as well as the castle; and, having placed therein a garrison of his own men, rode on to Aulnay†, which he also took and its castle, and then Benon‡ and Surgeres§: but they could make nothing of the castle of Marans¶, which is about three leagues from la Rochelle: they pushed on, therefore, to Mortaigne-sur-mer in Poitou, which they took and re-garrisoned. They then advanced to Lusignan¥ and burnt the town, but could not gain the castle. They next marched to Taillebourg**, and, having conquered the bridge, town and castle, put all the inhabitants to the sword, because they had in the assault killed a valiant knight. The whole country was so much alarmed that they fled before the English, leaving their houses empty and defenceless, to shut themselves up in the fortified towns. There was not any appearance of opposition from the knights and squires of Saintonge, who had retired to their fortresses, without making any effort to combat the English.
The earl of Derby at last came before the town of St. Jean d’Angely††, and immediately began an attack upon it. There were not in the town any men at arms; and at vespers, when the attack was nearly ended, sir William de Rion, mayor of the town, and the principal inhabitants, sent to demand passports for six of the citizens to come and treat with the earl: it was granted them for that night, and the whole of the next day. On the morrow, 172these citizens came to the earl in his tent, and swore to be good Englishmen as long as the king of England, or any one from him, would keep them in peace from the French. The earl refreshed himself in the town for four days, and received the homage of the inhabitants: he then advanced to Niort‡‡, of which sir Guiscard d’Angle was governor. He made three attacks upon it; but not gaining anything, he passed on, and came to the village of St. Maximien, which he took by storm, and slew all that were within it. He next marched to Montreuil Bonin§§, where there were upwards of two hundred coiners, who were minting money for the king of France, and who declared that they would not obey the summons of the earl: but there was so sharp an assault made on it, that the town was taken and all within put to death. The earl placed a new garrison in the castle, and advanced to Poitiers, which is a large straggling city: he could only therefore lay siege to it on one side; for he had not forces sufficient to surround it. He immediately made an assault; but the townsmen of the poorer sort were so numerous, though little prepared for such an attack, and defended the town so well, that the earl’s people gained nothing: they retired to their quarters much fatigued. On the morrow some of the earl’s knights armed themselves, rode round the town and afterwards made their report to him of what they had seen and heard. There was then a council held; and it was resolved to attack the town in three different places at once the next day, and to post the greater number of the men at arms and archers at the weakest part; which was executed.
It happened, that at that time there was not any gallant knight in the town who knew what deeds of arms were; nor were they provided with any accustomed to wars, that might advise them how properly to defend themselves. The earl’s people, therefore, at this assault entered the town at the weakest part: and, when those within saw themselves thus conquered, they fled for the fastest out of the other gates, for there were many. Upwards of seven hundred were slain; for the earl’s people put every one to the sword, men, women and little children. The city was instantly plundered, and was full of wealth, as well of its own inhabitants, as of those in the neighbourhood, who had retired into it as to a place of safety. The army destroyed many churches, committed great waste, and would have done much more, if the earl had not forbidden under pain of death, that either church or house should be set on fire; for he was desirous of remaining there ten or twelve days. Part of the disorders were stopped, but much thieving continued. The earl remained in the city twelve days: he might have stayed longer had he chosen it, for no one came to oppose him, and the whole country trembled: none dared to show themselves out of their strong garrisons. He left Poitiers empty, for its size rendered it untenable. The army at its departure was so laden with the riches they had found there, that they made no account of clothes, unless they were of gold and silver, or trimmed with furs¶¶. They returned by easy marches to St. Jean d’Angely, where they remained for some time. The earl during this stay made handsome presents to the ladies and damsels of the town, and almost every day gave them grand dinners or suppers. He enlivened them so much that he acquired great popularity: and they publicly said, he was the most noble prince that ever mounted steed. On his taking leave of them, he made the mayor and principal citizens renew their oath, that they would keep and defend the town, as the legal inheritance of the king of England. The earl then rode on with his whole army to Bordeaux, passing by the fortresses he had conquered, when he dismissed his troops, and gave them many thanks for the services they had done.
* A town in Poitou, diocese of Poitiers.
† A town in Poitou.
‡ A town in Ancenis.
§ A town in Ancenis.
¶ A town in Ancenis.
¥ A town in Poitou.
** A town in Saintonge, three leagues from Saintes.
†† In Saintonge, diocese of Saintes.
‡‡ A city in Poitou, nineteen leagues from Poitiers.
§§ A town in Poitou, three leagues from Poitiers.
¶¶ The original, according to D. Sauvage’s editions, runs thus: “qu’ils ne faisoient cōpte de draps: fors d’or et d’argent, et de pennes.” The meaning here is not very clear, and Mr. Johnes endeavoured to overcome the difficulty by substituting furs for feathers. The author probably intended to say, that they made no account of cloth except it was of gold or silver, nor of anything else except feathers. Lord Berners says, “the sette by nothynge but gold and syluer and fethers for men of warre.” — ED.
I HAVE been silent some time respecting the king of Scotland; but until this moment I have not had anything worth relating of him; for, as I have before said, mutual truces had been granted between him and the king of England, which had not been infringed. During the time the king of England was carrying on the siege of Calais, the Scots determined to make war upon him, thinking it a good opportunity to be revenged for the many disasters he had brought on them, England had at that time very few men at arms, as the king had a great number with him before Calais, as well as in his other armies in Brittany, Poitou, and Gascony. The king of France took great pains to foment this war, in order that the English might have so much to employ themselves at home as would oblige them to raise the siege of Calais, and return to England.
King David issued his summons for a parliament to be holden at Perth; which was attended by the earls, prelates, and barons of Scotland, who were unanimous for invading England as speedily as possible. Raynald, lord of the isle, who governed the wild Scots, and whom alone they obeyed, was sent to, and entreated to attend the parliament. He complied with the request, and brought three thousand of the wildest of his countrymen with him. When all the Scots were assembled, they amounted together to about forty thousand combatants: but they could not make their preparations so secretly as to prevent news of it coming to the knowledge of the queen of England, who had taken up her residence in the north, near the borders. She wrote, and sent summons to all that were attached to the king of England to come to York by a certain day. Many men at arms and archers, who had remained at home, put themselves in motion, and advanced to Newcastle-upon-Tyne, which the queen had appointed as the final place of rendezvous. In the mean while, the Scots set out from Perth, and advanced the first day to Dunfermline; the next day, they crossed a small arm of the sea; but the king went to Stirling, crossed the water there on the morrow, and came to Edinburgh. Here they halted and numbered their men. There were full three thousand knights and squires, well armed, and thirty thousand others, mounted on galloways. They marched to Roxburgh, the first fortress belonging to the English on their road, under the command of the lord William Montacute, who had lately erected it against the Scots. This castle is handsome, and very strong; the Scots therefore passed on without attacking it, and took up their quarters on the banks of a river*, between Precy and Lincolle; whence they began to destroy and burn the country of Cumberland. Some of their scouts advanced as far as York, where they burnt all without the walls and down the river, and returned to their army, within one day’s march of Newcastle.
* Probably the river was the Irthing, and the towns Lidel and Lanercrost; for lord Hailes says, in his Annals, that “David stormed the castle of Lidel, and beheaded Walter Selby, the governor. Selby, according to the usage of those loose times, seems to have been both a robber and a warrior, alternately plundering and defending his country.”
“He was one of the band of robbers so famous in English story, who, under their leader, Gilbert Middleton, robbed two cardinals and the bishop of Durham. He afterwards held out the castles of Mitford and Horton against his sovereign. — Scala Chron. ap. Leland, t. i. p. 561.
Yet Packington, apud Leland, t. i. p. 470, says, “David, king of Scottes, caused the noble knight Walter Selby, capitayne of the Pyle of Lydelle, to be slayne afore his owne face, not suffering him so much as to be confessed.”
174THE queen of England, who was very anxious to defend her kingdom, and guard it from all disturbers, in order to show that she was in earnest about it, came herself to Newcastle-upon-Tyne. She took up her residence there, to wait for the forces she expected from the different parts of the kingdom. The Scots, who were informed that Newcastle was the place of rendezvous of the English army, advanced thither, and sent their van-guard to skirmish near the town; who, on their return, burnt some hamlets adjoining to it. The smoke and flames came into the town, which made the English impatient to sally out upon those who had done this mischief, but their leaders would not permit them. On the morrow, the king of Scotland, with full forty thousand men, including all sorts, advanced within three short English miles of Newcastle, and took up his quarters on the land of the lord Neville. He sent to inform the army in the town, that, if they were willing to come forth, he would wait for them and give them battle. The barons and prelates of England sent for answer that they accepted his offer, and would risk their lives with the realm of their lord and king. They sallied out in number about twelve hundred men at arms, three thousand archers, and seven thousand other men, including the Welsh. The Scots posted themselves opposite to the English; and each army was drawn out in battle array.
QUEEN PHILIPPA. — From The Tomb in Westminster Abbey.
The queen of England then came to the place where her army was, and remained until it was drawn out in four battalions. The first was under the command of the bishop of Durham, and the lord Percy; the second, under the archbishop of York, and the lord Neville: the third, under the bishop of Lincoln, and lord Mowbray; the fourth was commanded by lord Baliol, governor of Berwick, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the lord Roos. Each battalion had its just proportion of men at arms and archers, as was expedient. The queen now advanced among them, and entreated them to do their duty well, in defending the honour of their lord and king, and urged them, for the love of God, to fight manfully. They promised her that they would acquit themselves loyally, to the utmost of their powers, and perhaps better than if the king had been there in person. The queen then took her leave and recommended them to the protection of God and St. George. The two armies were soon after in motion, and the archers on each side began to shoot; but those of the 175 Scots did not long continue it, whilst the English, shot incessantly. When the battalions were got into close combat, the engagement was sharp, and well fought.
QUEEN PHILIPPA HARANGUING HER TROOPS BEFORE THE BATTLE OF NEVILLE’S CROSS. — From a MS. Froissart, of the 15th Century.
The battle began about nine o’clock, and lasted until noon. The Scots had very hard and sharp axes*, with which they dealt deadly blows; but at last the English gained the field, though it cost them dear by the loss of their men. On the part of the Scots, there fell in the field, the earl of Sys, the earl Dostre, the earl Patris†, the earl of Furlant‡, the earl Dastredure, the earl of Mar, the earl John Douglass§, sir Alexander Ramsay, who bore the king’s banners, and many other barons, knights, and squires¶. The king of Scotland was 176 taken prisoner, fighting most gallantly, and badly wounded, before he was captured by a squire of Northumberland, named John Copeland, who, as soon as he got him, pushed through the crowd, and with eight other companions, rode off, and never stopped until he was distant from the field of battle about fifteen miles. He came about vespers to Ogle castle, on the river Blythe, and there declared that he would not surrender his prisoner, the king of Scotland, to man or woman except to his lord the king of England. That same day were taken prisoners, the earls of Murray and March, lord William Douglass, lord Robert de Wersy, 177 the bishops of Aberdeen and St. Andrew’s, and many other barons and knights. There were about fifteen thousand slain, and the remainder saved themselves as well as they could. The battle was fought near Newcastle, in the year 1346, on a Saturday preceding Michaelmas day¥.
Head of Lochaber Axes. — From specimens preserved in the Tower of Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
* Q. Lochaber axes.
† Probably Patrick, earl of Dunbar.
‡ Q. Sutherland.
§ No earl Douglas at that period.
¶ “Knyghton is the historian who has given the most ample list of the killed at the battle of Durham; yet it is, in various particulars, erroneous; and it has been strangely disfigured by the mistakes of transcribers. Knyghton has afforded the ground-work of the following list; and care has been taken to correct his errors, whenever they could be detected. This was the more necessary, because our writers seem to have despaired of being able to correct the list, and have left many names as erroneous as they found them. Thus, Abercrombie has Humphry de Blois, and Robert Maltalent; and to conceal his ignorance, he affirms them to have been Frenchmen. He has also David Banant and Nicholas Clopodolian, names for which he has not ventured to account. Some additions have been procured from Fordun, although his list is not so full as that in Knyghton. These additions are marked F.
“It is impossible to give a correct list of all the prisoners of distinction taken at Durham; for it appears, that many persons privately took ransoms for the prisoners whom they had made, and suffered them to depart. This practice became so general, that it was prohibited under pain of death [20th November, and 13th December, 1346].
“Most of the prisoners of distinction, who had not escaped by means of this connivance, were ordered to be conveyed to the tower of London [8th December, 1346]. From that instrument, and from some other scattered notices, I have drawn up a list of prisoners, not so complete, indeed, as might have been wished, yet more authentic and intelligible than any that has been hitherto exhibited.
“John Randolph, earl of Moray, — the younger son of Randolph the regent. With him the male line of that heroic family ended. He was succeeded in his honours and estate by his sister, the countess of March, vulgarly termed Black Agnes.
“Maurice Moray, earl of Strathern, — in right of his mother Mary. The English, in general, did not acknowledge his title. Knyghton mentions him again under the name Maurice de Murref.
“David de laye Haye, constable, F. — Knyghton mentions his name, but without his title of office.
“Robert Keith, marshal, F. — grandson of sir Robert Keith.
“Robert de Peebles, chamberlain, F. — There is considerable uncertainty as to this name.
“Thomas Charters, chancellor, F. — De Carnuto. A name of great antiquity in Scotland. See Crawford, Officers of State, p. 19.
“Humphry de Boys. — Knyghton and his copyists say, de Bloys, probably Boys, the same with Boyse, Boece.
“John de Bonneville, F.
“Thomas Boyd. — This is a mistake in Knyghton, unless there were two persons of that name; for there was a Thomas Boyd among the prisoners.
“Andrew Buttergask F. — This family subsisted until about the beginning of the 15th century, when the heiress, Margaret Buttergask of that ilk, made over her estate to the family of Gray.
“Roger Cameron.
“John de Crawfurd.
“William Frazer, F. — of Cowie; ancestor of lord Salton.
“David Fitz-Robert. — Probably some person who had not as yet assumed a surname.
“William de Haliburton. — Fordun says Walter, but there is a Walter de Haliburton among the prisoners.
“William de la Haye.
“Gilbert de Inchmartin, F.
“Edward de Keith.
“Edmunde de Keith. — According to Knyghton, the brother of Edward de Keith.
“Reginald Kirkpatrick.
“David de Lindesay, — said by Fordun to have been ‘the son and heir of lord David de Lindesay,’ ancestor of the earls of Crawfurd and Balcarras.
“John de Lindesay.
“Robert Maitland, — called Mantalent by Knyghton,: from whence Abercrombie formed ‘Maltalent, a French knight:’ plainly Matulent, now Maitland, of Thirlestane, ancestor of the earl of Lauderdale.
“— — Maitland, — the brother of Robert Maitland of Thirlestane.
“Philip de Meldrum, — called de Mildron by Knyghton.
“John de la More.
“Adam Moygrave.
“William Moubray. — There was a William Mowbray among the prisoners.
“William de Ramsay, the father, — A William de Ramsay, probably the younger was among the prisoners.
“Michael Scot, F. — of Murthockstone, now Murdiestone, ancestor of the duke of Buccleugh.
“John St. Clair, — There was a John St. Clair among the prisoners.
“Alexander Strachan, — called Straggy by Knyghton.
“— — Strachan, the brother of Alexander Strachan.
“John Stewart.
“John Stewart. — I conjecture that sir John Stewart of Dreghorn is meant, whose father Alan was killed at Halidon.
“Alan Stewart, the brother of John Stewart.
“Adam de Whitsom. — Knyghton has Adam de Nyston, which is plainly an error in transcribing. Perhaps de Dennistoun is the right name.
“Knyghton reckons Patonus Heryng, r. Patricius Heron, was among the slain. It appears from Fœdera, that he was a prisoner. Knyghton also reckons the earl of Sutherland among the slain, Fordun among the prisoners. It is certain that he was not killed; and, if he were made prisoner, he must have been among those who were suffered to escape immediately after the battle.
“David II, king of Scots. — He received two wounds before he yielded himself a prisoner.
“Duncan earl of Fife. — He had sworn fealty to Baliol. He was condemned to suffer death as a traitor, but obtained mercy.
“John Graham, earl of Menteth, — in right of his wife Mary, according to the mode of those times: he was executed as a traitor. He had formerly sworn fealty to Edward III.
“Malcolm Fleming, earl of Wigton. — He is called Malcolm Fleming, without any addition; Fœdera, t. v. p. 537. He had a grant of the earldom of Wigton in 1342. See Crawfurd, Peerage, p. 493. But the English government did not acknowledge the right of David II. to confer titles of honour. It is probable that he made his escape; for, in Calendars of Ancient Charters, p. 203, there is this title, ‘de capiendo Robertum Bertram, qui Malcolmum Fleming, Scotum, inimicum, regis evadere permisit.’
“George Abernethy, — of Salton, ancestor of lord Salton.
“David de Annand.
“William Baillie, — supposed to be Baillie of Lambistoun or Lambintoun, vulgarly Lamington; Nisbet, vol. ii. Appendix, p. 137. But see sir James Dalrymple, p. 410.
“Thomas Boyd, — probably of Kilmarnock. The son of that Boyd who was the faithful and fortunate companion of Robert Bruce.
“Andrew Campbell, — of Loudoun. In right of his mother, Susanna Crawfurd, heritable sheriff of Airshire, ancestor of the earl of Loudoun.
“Gilbert de Carrick, — ancestor of the earl of Dassilis. His son assumed the name of Kennedy.
“Robert Chisholm.
“Nicholas Knockdolian, — called Clopdolian by Knyghton, and by Abercrombie Clopodolian, in Galloway, although the name has a German air.
“Fergus de Crawfurd. — Roger de Crawfurd.
“Bartholomew de Dermond, — a German, as the record in Fœdera bears. This is mentioned, because Abercrombie, vol. ii. p. 99, says, ‘perhaps Drummond,’ although he had perused Fœdera.
“John Douglas, — probably the younger brother of William Douglas of Liddesdale, ancestor of the earl of Morton.
“William Douglas, the elder. — This person, I am confident, is William Douglas, the bastard brother of William Douglas of Liddesdale. There is no evidence that William lord Douglas, son of Archibald, surnamed Tineman, and first earl of that family, was made prisoner at Durham, or, indeed, that he was present at the battle. Fordun, 1. xiv. c. 6, expressly says, that he did not come from France till after the battle. We learn from Fœdera, that he was at liberty while others were prisoners; and we do not learn from Fœdera, that he was ever a prisoner. To support an erroneous hypothesis of Bocce, concerning William lord Douglas, records have been misconstructed and misapplied.
“Patrick de Dunbar. — Adam de Fullarton. — John Giffard, — Laurence Gilibrand.
“David Graham, — of Montrose; ancestor of the duke of Montrose.
“Alexander Haliburton, — John de Haliburton. — Douglas, Peerage, p. 321, conjectures, not improbably, that they were the brothers of Walter de Haliburton. But he ought not to have referred to Fordun, v. ii. [1. xiv. c. 3] in proof of this, for Fordun mentions them not.
“Walter de Haliburton, — predecessor of the lords Haliburton of Dirleton.
“Patrick Heron. — William de Jardin.
“Roger de Kirkpatrick. — Made prisoner by Ralph de Hastings. Hastings died of his wounds. He bequeathed the body of Roger de Kirkpatrick to his joint legatees, Edmund Hastings of Kynthorp and John de Kirkeby; Fœdera, t. v. p. 535.
“Thomas de Lippes, — called, in Calendars of Ancient Charters, chevalier. If he was not a foreigner, I know not who he was.
“William de Livingston.
“— — Lorein, — said, in the record, to have been the son of Eustace Lorein. This Eustace, called Tassy by Fordun, 1. xiv. c. 5, was captain of Rokesburgh under Douglas of Liddesdale, the governor.
“Duncan M‘donnel. — Not in the list in Fœdera, t. v. p. 535, but mentioned as a prisoner, Fœdera, t. v. p. 554.
“Duncan M‘donnel. — See Fœdera, ib. the son of the former.
“— — de Makepath — Were it not for the particle de, I should suppose that some person of the name of M‘Beth was here understood.
“John de Maxwell, — of Carlaverock, ancestor of the earl of Nithsdale.
“Walter Moine, — David Moray, — William de Moray. — William More, — William Moubray.
“Patrick de Polwarth, ancestor of the earl of Marchmont.
“John de Preston, — supposed to have been the ancestor of Preston lord Dingwall.
“Alexander de Ramsay, — Henry de Ramsay. — Ness de Ramsay.
“William de Ramsay, — Probably Sir William Ramsay of Colluthy. He was at the battle of Poictiers in 1356, and was made prisoner there.
“William de Salton. — Not in Fœdera; but mention is made of him, Calendar of Ancient Charters, p. 199.
“John St. Clair, — Alexander Steel, — Alexander Stewart.
“John Stewart, — of Dalswinston, as the record bears. Ancestor of the earl of Galloway.
“John Stewart, — a bastard, as the record bears.
“John de Valence. — William de Vaux. — Robert Wallace.
Annals of Scotland, vol. ii. App. No. 6, p. 321, et seq.
¥ It was on the 17th October.
WHEN the queen of England, who had remained in Newcastle, heard that her army had gained the day, she mounted her palfrey, and went to the field of battle. She was informed that the king of Scotland had been made prisoner, by a squire of the name of John Copeland, but who had rode off with him they could not tell whither. The queen ordered him to be written to, to bring the king of Scots to her, and to tell him that he had not done what was agreeable to her, in carrying off his prisoner without leave. All that day the queen and army remained on the field of battle, which they had won, and on the morrow returned to Newcastle*.
When the letter from the queen was presented by a knight to John Copeland, he answered, that he would not give up his prisoner, the king of Scots, to man or woman, except to his own lord, the king of England: that they might depend on his taking proper care of him; and he would be answerable for guarding him well. The queen, upon this, wrote letters to the king, which she sent off to Calais. She therein informed him of the state of his kingdom. The king then ordered John Copeland to come to him at Calais, who, having set out, and, passing through England, came to Dover, where he embarked, and landed near Calais. When the king of England saw the squire, he took him by the hand, and said, “Ha! welcome, my squire, who by his valour has captured my adversary the king of Scotland.” John Copeland, falling on one knee, replied, “If God, out of his great kindness, has given me the king of Scotland, and permitted me to conquer him in arms, no one ought to be jealous of it; for God can, when he pleases, send his grace to a poor squire, as well as to a great lord. Sir, do not take it amiss, if I did not surrender him to the orders of my lady the queen; for I hold my lands of you, and my oath is to you, not to her, except it be through choice.” The king answered, “John, the loyal service you have done us, and our esteem for your valour is so great, that it may well serve you as an excuse; and shame fall upon all those that bear you any ill will. You will now return home, and take your prisoner, the king of Scotland, and convey him to my wife: and, by way of remuneration, I assign lands, as near your house as you can choose them, to the amount of five hundred pounds sterling a-year, for you and your heirs; and I retain you as a squire of my body and of my household†.” John Copeland left Calais the third day after his arrival, and returned to England: when he was come home, he assembled his friends and neighbours, and, in company with them, took the king of Scots and conveyed him to York, where he presented him, in the name of the king, to the queen, and made such handsome excuses that she was satisfied.
When the queen had sufficiently provided for the defence of the city of York, the castle of Roxburgh, the city of Durham, and the town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, as well as for all the borders, and had appointed the lords Percy and Neville governors of Northumberland, to 179 take proper care of it, she set out from York and returned to London. She ordered the king of Scots, the earl of Murray, and the other prisoners, to be confined in the tower of London, and, having placed a sufficient guard over them, set out for Dover, where she embarked, and with a favourable wind, arrived before Calais three days preceding the feast of All-Saints‡. The king, upon her arrival, held a grand court, and ordered magnificent entertainments for all the lords who were there, but more especially for the ladies; as the queen had brought a great many with her, who were glad to accompany her, in order to see fathers, brothers, and friends, that were engaged at this siege of Calais.
* “Froissart supposes that Philippa, the consort of Edward III., was their leader; and in this he has been implicitly followed by the later historians of both nations. A young and comely princess, the mother of heroes, at the head of an army in the absence of her lord, is an ornament to history: yet no English writer of considerable antiquity mentions this circumstance, which, if true, they would not have omitted. Baliol also is said to have been next in command to queen Philippa: yet the ancient English writers say nothing of it; and the whole strain of the Fœdera is inconsistent with the hypothesis of his having any such command. Barnes, page 398, says, that the English ‘were in number twelve hundred men at arms, three thousand archers, and seven thousand footmen, besides a choice band of expert soldiers, newly come from before Calais; the whole amounting to sixteen thousand complete.’ For this he quotes Giovanni Villani, the Florentine historian, lib. xii. c. 75. Villani’s account of the battle of Durham is exceedingly superficial; and, which is remarkable, he says nothing of what Barnes quotes as from him. See Muratori Scrip. Ital. t. xiii. p. 959.” — Annals of Scotland.
† “Copeland was made a banneret, with a salary of 500l. yearly, to him and to his heirs, until lands of the like yearly amount should be bestowed on him. He obtained a pension for life of 100l., under condition of furnishing twenty men at arms. He was also made warden of Berwick. Besides all this, it appears that he obtained the office of sheriff of Northumberland, and keeper of Roxburgh castle. Robert de Bertram had a pension of 200 marks given to him and to his heirs, until the king should provide him in lands of equal value, for his capture of the knight of Liddesdale.”
Annals — and Fœdera.
‡ Knyghton, p. 2592, relates, that by command of Edward III. David Bruce was conducted to the tower, under an escort of 20,000 men, well armed: that the different companies of London, in their proper dresses, were present at the procession; and that David Bruce rode on a tall black horse, so as to be seen by all men.
THE siege of Calais lasted a long time; during which many gallant feats of arms and adventures happened: but it is not possible for me to relate the fourth part of them: for the king of France had posted so many men at arms in the fortresses, and on the borders of the counties of Guines, Artois, Boulogne, round to Calais, and had such numbers of Genoese, Normans, and others in vessels on the sea, that none of the English could venture abroad on horseback or on foot, to forage, without meeting some of these parties: there were frequent skirmishes near the gates and ditches of the town, which never ended without several being killed and wounded: sometimes one side gained the advantage, and sometimes the other. The king of England and his council studied night and day to invent engines more effectually to annoy the town: but the inhabitants were equally alert to destroy their effect, and exerted themselves so much, that they suffered nothing from them. However, no provisions could be brought into the place but by stealth, and by the means of two mariners, who were guides to such as adventured: one was named Marant, and the other Mestriel; both of them resided in Abbeville. By their means, the town of Calais was frequently victualled; and by their boldness they were often in great danger, many times pursued and almost taken; but they escaped, and slew and wounded many of the English. The siege lasted all the winter. The king had a great desire to keep on good terms with the municipalities of Flanders, because he thought that through them he should the more easily obtain his end. He made, therefore, frequent protestations of friendship to them, and gave them to understand, that, after he should have succeeded at Calais, he would re-conquer for them Lisle, Douay, and all their dependencies: so that the Flemings, believing in such promises, put themselves in motion, about the time that the king was in Normandy, whence he came to Crecy and Calais; and they laid siege to Bethune. They had chosen for their commander the lord Oudart de Renty, who had been banished from France, and had closely besieged the town, and much damaged it by their attacks: but there were within four knights for the king of France, who well defended it; their names were, sir Geoffry de Chargny, the lord Eustace de Ribeaumont, the lord Baudoin d’Anequin, and lord John de Landas. The town of Bethune was so well defended, that the Flemings conquered nothing: they returned to Flanders, not having been more successful than before.
When the king of England was come to Calais, he did not cease sending flattering messengers and promises to the municipalities of Flanders, to preserve their friendship, and lessen their opinion of the king of France, who was taking great pains to acquire their affections. The king of England would have gladly seen the earl Lewis of Flanders, who at that time was but fifteen years old, married to his daughter Isabella, and set so many engines to work among the Flemings that they acceded to it, which mightily rejoiced the king; for he imagined that by this marriage he would easily govern that country. The Flemings also thought that this alliance would enable them more effectually to resist the French; and that it would be more profitable to be connected with the king of England 180 than with the king of France. Their young earl, however, who had been educated with the royal family of France, and who at the time was in that kingdom, would not agree to it, and declared frankly, that he would never take to wife the daughter of him who had slain his father. On the other hand, duke John of Brabant was very eagerly trying to make a match between the earl and his daughter, and promised to obtain for him the full enjoyment of Flanders, by fair or foul means. The duke also gave the king of France to understand, that, if the marriage took place, he would manage the Flemings, that they should attach themselves to him in preference to the king of England. Upon the strength of these promises, the king of France consented to the marriage of the earl of Flanders with the duke of Brabant’s daughter. After the duke had obtained this consent, he sent messengers to all the principal citizens of the great towns in Flanders, who coloured the union with so many specious reasons, that the councils of the principal towns sent to the earl, and informed him that if he would come to Flanders, and follow their advice, they would be his true friends, and would give up to him all royalties, rights, and jurisdictions, in a greater degree than any earl had hitherto been possessed of. The earl was advised to go to Flanders, where he was joyfully received; and the chief towns made him rich and handsome presents.
As soon as the king of England was informed of this he sent the earls of Northampton and Arundel, and lord Reginald Cobham, into Flanders; who managed matters so well with the leading men in place, and with the corporations, that they were more desirous their lord should marry a daughter of the king of England, than the daughter of the duke of Brabant: they very affectionately entreated their lord so to do, and supported it by many strong and good arguments, which would be too tedious to detail here; insomuch that those of the duke of Brabant’s party could say nothing to the contrary. The earl, however, would not consent to it, notwithstanding their fair speeches and arguments, but repeated his former declaration, that he would never marry the daughter of him who had killed his father, were he to have a moiety of the kingdom of England for her dower. When the Flemings heard this, they said, their lord was too much of a Frenchmen, and very ill advised, and that he must not expect any good from them, since he would not listen to their counsels. They arrested him, and confined him, though not a close prisoner, and told him, he should never have his liberty until he would pay attention to their advice: they added, that if the late earl, his father, had not loved the French so much, but had listened to them, he would have been the greatest prince in Christendom, and would have recovered Lisle, Bethune, and Douay, and been alive at this day. Whilst all this was passing, the king of England still held on the siege of Calais. He kept his court there at Christmas in a royal and noble manner; and in the ensuing Lent, the earl of Derby, the earl of Pembroke, the earl of Oxford, and many knights and squires who had crossed the sea with them, returned from Gascony.
The Earl of Flanders was for a long time in danger from the Flemings, and, being a prisoner, was perfectly weary of it. He therefore made them understand, that he was willing to follow their advice, for he could receive more advantages from them than from those in any other country. These words pleased the Flemings much: they gave him his liberty, and allowed him to partake of one of his favourite amusements, hawking, of which he was very fond. However, when he went to follow this sport, they set a good watch over him, that he did not escape, nor was stolen from those who had undertaken to guard him, on pain of death. These guards were of the king of England’s party; and watched him so closely that they would scarcely allow him to make water. This conduct lasted so long, and was so offensive to the earl, that he agreed to marry the king of England’s daughter. The Flemings immediately informed the king of it, and desired that the king and queen would come to the monastery at Bergues, accompanied by their daughter, and they would bring their earl there, and conclude the marriage. You may easily imagine how pleased the king and queen were with this news: they said the Flemings were very good sort of people. A day was fixed on for all parties to be at Bergues St. Vinox, between Newport and Gravelines. The most powerful and leading men of the principal towns of Flanders came hither in great pomp, bringing their lord with them. He respectfully saluted the king and queen, who were there in great state. The king took the earl gently by the 181 hand, led him forth, and said, to excuse himself as being the cause of the death of his father, that, as God should help him, he had never heard, on the day of the battle of Crecy, nor on the morrow, that the earl had been there. The young earl appeared to be satisfied with this excuse. The subject of the marriage was next discussed, and certain articles and treaties were agreed upon between the king, the earl, and the states of Flanders, which were promised and sworn to be adhered to*. The earl was then betrothed to the lady Isabella, daughter of the king and queen of England, whom he engaged to espouse; but the day of marriage was put off, until the king should have more leisure. The Flemings returned home, taking with them their lord; and they quitted the king, queen, and the council, in very good humour: the king went back to the siege of Calais. Things remained in this state: whilst the king was making preparations for rich presents of cloths and jewels to distribute on the wedding-day, the queen was employed in the same manner, as she was anxious to acquit herself on the occasion with honour and generosity.
The earl of Flanders, who was returned to his own country, and among his own people, was continually hawking, and pretended that this English alliance was perfectly agreeable to him. The Flemings believed all he said, and did not keep so strict a guard upon him as before: but they were not then acquainted with the disposition of their lord; for, however much he might dissemble in his outward behaviour, he was in his heart devoted to the French. It happened one day, in the same week that he was to espouse the English princess, he went out a hawking: the falconer fled his hawk at a heron, and the earl did the same with his: the two hawks pursued their game, and the earl galloped off, as if following them, crying, “Hoye, hoye.” When he was at some distance from his keepers, and in the open fields, he stuck spurs into his horse, and made such speed that he was soon out of sight: he did not stop until he was got into Artois, where he was safe. He then went to king Philip in France, and related to him and his nobles his adventures, who told him he had acted wisely; but the English, on the contrary, accused him of betraying and deceiving them. The king of England, nevertheless, did not fail for this, to cultivate the friendship of the Flemings; for he knew that what had happened was not through their consent, but, on the contrary, that they were very much enraged at it; so he was immediately satisfied with the excuses they made on the occasion
* There is in the Fœdera the treaty of Marriage, dated Dunkirk, 3rd March 1346; but the seal has been torn off, probably as not having been carried into effect.
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