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From Chronicles of England, France and Spain and the Surrounding Countries, by Sir John Froissart, Translated from the French Editions with Variations and Additions from Many Celebrated MSS, by Thomas Johnes, Esq; London: William Smith, 1848. pp. 534-550.
SIR Thomas Musgrave and the knights of Northumberland, being desirous of meeting the Scots on equal terms, set out from Melrose, and took the road to Morlaine: they left the Tweed on their left hand, and, by an ascending road, made for a mountain called St. Giles*.
Two Scots scouts were posted there, who, having well considered the English, immediately set off to their own troops, and related their observations on the English; in what order they were marching, and that they had only seen three banners and ten pennons. The Scots were highly pleased with this intelligence, and said with a hearty good will, “In the name of God and St. Giles, let us march towards them, for they must be our prisoners.” They then shouted their war-cry, which I think was, “Douglas, Sir Giles!” They had not advanced half a league before both armies came in sight, and each knew a combat was unavoidable. Upon this the earl of Douglas knighted his son, and sir James Douglas displayed his banner. He also knighted the lord Robert and lord David, sons of the king of Scotland, who in like manner displayed their banners. There were made on the spot about thirty knights in the 535 Scottish army, and one from Sweden, called sir George de Besmede, who bore on a shield argent a mill-iron gules with an indented bordure gules.
On the other hand, sir Thomas Musgrave made his son Thomas a knight, with others of his household. The lord Stafford and lord Gascoyn made some likewise. They drew out their archers, posting them on their wings; and, this day, the English cry was, “Our Lady of Arlestone!” The engagement then commenced with vigour, and the archers by their shooting confounded the men at arms; but the Scots were in such numbers, the archers could not be everywhere. There were between the knights and squires many a tilt and gallant deed performed, by which several were unhorsed. Sir Archibald Douglas was a good knight, much feared by his enemies: when near to the English, he dismounted, and wielded before him an immense sword, whose blade was two ells long, which scarcely another could have lifted from the ground, but he found no difficulty in handling it, and gave such terrible strokes, that all on whom they fell were struck to the ground; and there were none so hardy among the English able to withstand his blows.
The battle was sharp and well fought as long as it lasted; but that was not any length of time, for the Scots were three to one, and men of tried valour. I do not say but the English defended themselves valiantly: in the end, however, they were defeated, and sir Thomas Musgrave, his son, with several other knights and squires, made prisoners. The Scots took seven score good prisoners; and the pursuit lasted as far as the river Tweed, where numbers were slain. The Scots, after this victory, resolved to march straight for Edinburgh, as they learnt from their prisoners that the earls of Northumberland and Nottingham were in the neighbourhood on the other side of the Tweed, on their road to Roxburgh, and that they were in sufficient numbers to engage with all the force the Scots could bring against them: on which account, they thought they might as well abandon their expedition, in order to save themselves and guard their prisoners. They had wisely determined to retreat without making any halt; for, had they returned that evening to their former quarters, they would have run a risk of being conquered, as I shall now relate.
When the earls of Northumberland and Nottingham, and the other barons of England, had separated from sir Thomas Musgrave, they advanced directly towards Roxburgh. They learnt from their spies, that the Scots, whom they were seeking to fight with, were quartered at Hondebray, which pleased them much, and they resolved to have a skirmish with them: they were marching thither that same night the enemy had left it; but it rained so hard that they could not accomplish their purpose: they therefore took up their quarters in the woods until the morrow, when they again sent out their scouts to find where the Scots were, who returned, saying that they could not see anything of them. They then determined to advance towards Melrose, in order to gain intelligence of sir Thomas Musgrave and his companions. When they had dined, they marched along Tweedside, on their way thither, and sent scouts over the river to learn some news of them.
After the defeat on the plain of St. Giles, which I have just related, the scouts met several of their fellow-soldiers flying like men discomfited, who told them as much as they knew of the battle. Upon this, they returned, and with them the runaways, who related truly what had passed between the English and Scots: they well knew they had been defeated, but were ignorant who had been killed or who made prisoners. The lords of Northumberland, on hearing this unfortunate intelligence, were very melancholy, and with reason. They had two causes for vexation; for having lost the battle, and for having missed finding the Scots, whom they had been in search of.
A numerous council was assembled in the field, whether or not to pursue the Scots; but as they did not know which way they had marched, and night approaching, they resolved to make for Melrose, and fix their quarters there. Before they could accomplish their march to Melrose, they heard the truth of the event of the battle; that sir Thomas Musgrave, his son, with seven score men at arms, had been made prisoners by the Scots, who were carrying them off, and had taken the road to Edinburgh. These barons then found that they must submit to their loss, for help it they could not. They passed the night as well as they were able, and on the morrow they decamped, when the earl of Northumberland gave permission for every one to return to his home: he himself retired into his own country. Thus was the expedition 536 put an end to. The Scots returned to Edinburgh, but not all, for the earl of Douglas and his son took the road to Dalkeith. This great success which they had obtained was a great novelty for Scotland. The knights and squires treated their prisoners handsomely, ransomed them courteously, and did with them the best they could. We will now leave off speaking of the Scots, and relate other events which happened in France.
* “St. Giles.” Q. this mountain.
CHAPTER XI. — THE DEATHS OF THE QUEENS OF FRANCE AND OF NAVARRE, AND THE RENEWAL OF THE FEUDS BETWEEN THEIR TWO HUSBANDS.
THIS year, in the month of February, the queen of France died, and, as the physicians said, by her own fault. She was with child of the lady Catherine, who was afterwards duchess of Berry*. The queen, as I have before said, was not very far advanced in her pregnancy; but the doctors had forbidden her bathing, as being full of danger: however, she would persist, and continued using baths, which brought on a mortal disorder. King Charles of France never married again. Soon after the death of the queen of France, the queen of Navarre died also. She was sister-german to the king of France. Upon her death disputes arose among the lawyers of the county of Evreux in Normandy: they said, that that county was, by rightful succession from the mother, devolved to the children of the king of Navarre, who were separated from him, under age, and in the guardianship of king Charles their uncle.
King Charles of Navarre was so much suspected of having caused, in former times, many ills to France, that he was not thought worthy of possessing any inheritance in that kingdom under the name of his children. The constable of France, therefore, returned from Aquitaine, where he had been a considerable time with the duke of Anjou, and brought with him the lord of Mucident, that he might see the king and become acquainted with him. The constable was received by the king with great joy, as was the lord de Mucident on his account. There were many secret councils and conversations between the king and constable, which were not immediately made public, respecting the situation of France and Navarre. We will shortly return to this business; but, in order to chronicle justly all the events which at this period happened in the world, I will relate to you the beginning of that grand schism which desolated the church, by which all Christendom was shaken, and from which many evils were engendered and spread abroad.
* See Chap. cccxxix. — ED.
CHAPTER XII. — THE DEATH OF POPE GREGORY XI. — AFTER THE SUDDEN DEATH OF HIS IMMEDIATE SUCCESSOR, THE CARDINALS ARE CONSTRAINED TO ELECT URBAN VI. WHICH CAUSES A SCHISM IN THE CHURCH OF ROME.
YOU have before heard how pope Gregory XI. filled the papal chair at Avignon. When he found there was not any likelihood of his bringing about a peace between the kings of France and England, he was much displeased, for he had laboured hard at it, as well as the cardinals by his orders. He resolved, as a matter of devotion, to revisit Rome and the holy see, which St. Peter and St. Paul had edified and augmented; for he had made a vow to God, that if he should ever be raised to so eminent an honour as the papacy, he would never hold his seat but where St. Peter had placed it. This pope was of a delicate constitution and sickly habit, so that he suffered more than another; and during his residence at Avignon he was much engaged with the affairs of France, and so much pressed b y the king and his brothers, that he had not time to attend to his own concerns: he therefore said, he would place himself at a distance, that he might enjoy more repose. He made preparations in the most ample manner becoming such a personage, on the riviera of Genoa and on all the roads. He told his brethren the cardinals to provide for themselves; for, being resolved to go to Rome, he should certainly set out. On hearing this, the cardinals 537 were much surprised and vexed; for they remembered the Romans, and would willingly have turned him from taking this journey, but they could not succeed.
When the king of France was informed of it, he was in a violent passion; for when at Avignon he had him more under his power than any where else. He wrote, therefore, directly to his brother the duke of Anjou, at Toulouse, signifying, that on the receipt of the letter, he should set out for Avignon, and endeavour, by talking to the pope, to make him give up his intended journey. The duke of Anjou did what the king had ordered, and went to Avignon, where he was received with great respect by the cardinals. He took up his lodgings in the palace of the pope, that he might have more frequent opportunities of conversing with him. You may easily imagine that he acquitted himself ably in the different conversations he had with the pope, to dissuade him from his intentions of going to Rome; but he would not listen to him on this subject, nor give up any thing that related to the affairs beyond the Alps: he ordered, however, four cardinals to remain at Avignon; to whom he gave full powers for them to act in all respects, excepting some papal cases, which he had not the power to delegate out of his own hands. When the duke found that neither reason nor entreaties could prevail with his holiness to remain where he was, he took leave of him, and said at his departure, “Holy father, you are going into a country, and among people by whom you are but little loved. You leave the fountain of faith, and a kingdom wherein the church has more piety and excellence than in all the rest of the world. By this action of yours, the church may fall into great tribulation; for should you die in that country, (which is but too probable, as your physicians declare) these Romans, who are a strange people and traitors, will be lords and masters of all the cardinals, whom they will force to elect a pope according to their wishes.”
Notwithstanding these speeches and reasons, he would not put off his journey, but set out and arrived at Marseilles, where the galleys of Genoa had been ordered to wait for him. The duke of Anjou returned to Toulouse*. Pope Gregory embarked at Marseilles with a numerous attendance, and a favourable wind landed him at Genoa. After having re-victualled his galleys, he again embarked, and, making sail for Rome, disembarked not far from it. You must know, that the Romans were exceedingly rejoiced at his arrival: the consuls and all the principal nobility of Rome went out to meet him on horseback with great pomp, and conducted him with triumph into that city. He took up his residence in the Vatican, and often visited a church within Rome which he was much attached to, and to which he had made many considerable additions: it was called Santa Maria Maggiore. He died soon after his arrival, in this same church, in which he was buried, and there lies. His obsequies were performed in a magnificent manner, as was becoming so eminent a personage.
The cardinals, shortly after the death of pope Gregory, assembled in conclave at the Vatican. As soon as they had met to elect a pope, according to the usual modes, who might be worthy and of service to the church, the Romans collected in great numbers, in the suburbs of St. Peter: they were, including all sorts, upwards of thirty thousand, encouraging each other to do mischief, if things did not go according to their wishes. They came frequently before the conclave and said, “Listen to us, my lords cardinals: allow us to elect a pope: you are too long about it. Choose a Roman, for we will not have one of any other country: if you shall elect another, neither the Roman people nor the consuls will consider him as pope, and you will run a risk of being all put to death!” The cardinals heard these words, and being in the power of the Romans, were not at their ease, nor assured of their lives: they therefore appeased their anger as well as they could. The wickedness of the Romans arose to such a height that those who were nearest the conclave broke in, to frighten the cardinals, In order that they might the sooner decide in favour of him whom they wished. The cardinals were much alarmed, fearing they would all be put to death, and fled, some one way, some another. The Romans, however, would not suffer them to depart, but collected them again together whether they would or not. The cardinals, finding themselves in their power and in great danger, made quickly an end of the business, to appease the people: and, though it was not done through devotion, yet they made a good 538 election of a very devout man, a Roman, whom Pope Urban V. had raised to the purple: he was called the Cardinal of St. Peter.
This election pleased the Romans exceedingly, and the good man had all the rights attached to the papacy; but he only lived three days, and I will tell you the reason. The Romans, being desirous of having a pope from their own nation, were so much rejoiced at the election falling as it had done on the cardinal of St. Peter, that they took the good man, who was at least one hundred years of age, and placing him on a white mule, carried him in triumph for such a length of time, through Rome, out of wickedness and in exultation fo their victory over the cardinals by having gained a Roman pope, that the fatigue was too much for him. On the third day, he took to his bed, and died, and was buried at the church of St. Peter.
The cardinals were much vexed at the death of the pope; for as they saw things were taking a wrong turn, they had determined, during the life of this pope, to have dissembled with the Romans, for two or three years, and to six the seat of the church elsewhere than at Rome, at Naples or Genoa, out of the power of the Romans. This would have been carried into execution, but the pontiff’s death deranged every thing. The cardinals assembled in conclave, in greater danger than before; for the populace collected in large bodies before St. Peter’s, showing plainly that they would not scruple to destroy them unless they elected a pope according to their pleasure. They kept crying out before the conclave, “Consider, my lords cardinals; consider well what you are about, and give us a Roman pope, who will reside among us; otherwise we will make your heads much redder than your hats.” Such speeches and menaces frightened the cardinals, for they wished rather to die confessors than martyrs: to free themselves from all danger, they began to deliberate on the choice of a pope, but it fell not on one of their brother cardinals. They elected the archbishop of Bari, a very learned man, who had laboured much for the church. With this promotion to the papacy the Romans were satisfied. The cardinal of Geneva put his head out of one of the windows of the conclave, and, calling out aloud to the Roman populace, said, “Be appeased, for you have a Roman pontiff, Bartholomew Prignano, archbishop of Bari.” The people unanimously answered, “We are satisfied.”
The archbishop was not at this moment at Rome, but, as I believe, at Naples. He was immediately sent for, and, being much pleased at the event, came directly to Rome to show himself to the cardinals. On his arrival, great feasts were made: he was elevated, and had all the powers of the papacy. he took the name of Urban VI. This name was very gratifying to the Romans, on account of Urban V. who had much loved them. His elevations was published in all the churches in Christendom, and made known to the different potentates, emperors, kings, dukes, and earls. The cardinals wrote also to their friends, to inform them that they had chosen a pope by a good and fair election, of which several repented afterwards. This pope renewed all the graces and pardons which his predecessor had given, so that divers left their own countries and repaired to Rome to receive them. We will now for a while leave this matter, and return to the principal object of our history, the affairs of France.
* Denys Sauvage says in a note, that it was after this return to Toulouse, he undertook the expedition mentioned in the 1st chapter of this volume.
CHAPTER XIII. — THE KING OF NAVARRE SENDS AMBASSADORS TO FRANCE, IN HOPES OF REGAINING POSSESSION OF HIS CHILDREN. — TWO OF HIS PEOPLE ARE CONVICTED OF HAVING ATTEMPTED TO POISON THE KING OF FRANCE.
YOU have before heard, that after the death of the queen of Navarre, sister to the king of France, there were many persons who, from love to one and hatred to the other, had declared that the inheritance of the children of the king of Navarre, which had fallen to them on their mother’s decease, was legally their due; and that the king of France, their uncle by the mother’s side, had a right to the guardianship of them, and the management, in their name, of all the lands which the king of Navarre held in Normandy, until his nephews should be of age*. The king of Navarre was suspicious of something being 539 proposed like to the above, for he was well acquainted with the laws and customs of France. He therefore determined to send the bishop of Pampeluna and sir Martin de la Carra into France, to entreat the king in the most amicable manner that, out of love to him, he would send him his two sons, Charles and Peter; and that, if it were not agreeable to the king to allow of both coming to him, he at least would let him have Charles, for a treaty of marriage was in contemplation between him and the daughter of king Henry of Castille. He resolved, notwithstanding this embassy to France, to order his castles in Normandy to be secretly inspected and reinforced, that the French might not seize them; for, if they were not strengthened in every respect, they might do so; and, should they once get possession, he could not regain them when he pleased.
He made choice, for this business, of two valiant men at arms of Navarre, in whom he had great confidence, whose names were Peter de Basille and Ferrando. The bishop of Pampeluna and sir Martin de la Carra arrived in France, and had long conferences with the king, to whom, with much reverence, they recommended the king of Navarre, and entreated of him that he would suffer his two sons to depart. The king replied, that he would consider of it. They afterwards received an answer in the king’s name, his majesty being present, that “the king wished to have his nephews, the children of Navarre, near him: that they could not be any where better placed: and that the king of Navarre ought to prefer their being with their uncle, the king of France, to any other person: that he would not allow either of them to leave him, but would keep them near his person, and form them a magnificent establishment, suitable to their rank as sons of a king, and his own nephews.” This was all they could obtain.
During the time these ambassadors were in France, Peter de Basille and Ferrando arrived at Cherbourg with many stores. These two visited, by orders of the king of Navarre, the whole country of Evreux, renewed the officers, and placed others in the different forts, according to their pleasure, The bishop of Pampeluna and sir Martin de la Carra returned to Navarre, and related to the king, whom they met at Tudelle†, all that had passed in France. The king was not well pleased that he could not have his children, and conceived a violent hatred against the king of France, which he would have shown if he had had the power; but he was incapable of hurting that kingdom, and besides he had not formed any alliances. He thought it, therefore, better to dissemble, until he should have greater cause of complaint, and more real evils be done unto him. The king of France and his council received information that the king of Navarre was reinforcing all the castles and towns in Normandy, which he called his own; and they knew not what to think of his conduct.
At this time there was a secret armament formed in England, of two thousand men at arms, who were embarked, but without any horses, of which the duke of Lancaster and earl of Cambridge were the commanders. The Normans, hearing of it, had informed the king of France that this expedition was certainly intended for the coasts of Normandy, but they could not say whither it had sailed. Others supposed it to have been undertaken by the advice of the king of Navarre, who meant to deliver up to the English his strong places in Normandy. The king of France was also told, that he must hasten his preparations, if he wished to be master of these castles, and that it had been too long delayed; for, if the English should once gain them, they would be enabled to harass France very much, and they could not obtain a more convenient entrance into the kingdom than by being possessors of the towns and castles of the king of Navarre. Two secretaries of the king of Navarre were arrested in France, a lawyer and a squire: the name of the first was Peter du Tertre, and the other James de Rue: they were conducted to Paris for examination, and were found so intimately connected with the king of Navarre’s intentions of poisoning the king of France that they were condemned to death, and were executed and quartered at Paris accordingly‡.
* Denys Sauvage says, in a marginal note, that he does not understand this; for the kings of Navarre, from father to son, were the legal inheritors of the county of Evreux; nor how the children could claim any right from their mother.
† “Tudele,” — a village in Armagnac, diocese of Auch.
‡ See Chap. cccxxx. — ED.
CHAPTER XIV. — THE KING OF FRANCE ORDERS THE POSSESSION OF THE KING OF NAVARRE TO BE SEIZED AS WELL IN NORMANDY AS IN LANGUEDOC. — THE KING OF NAVARRE FORMS AN ALLIANCE WITH THE ENGLISH. — THE TERMS OF THAT ALLIANCE.
THESE machinations and wicked attempts of the king of Navarre were so numerous that the king of France swore he would not undertake anything before he had driven him out of Normandy, and had gained possession, for his nephews, of every town and castle which the king of Navarre held there. Every day brought fresh information and worse news, respecting the king of Navarre, to the palace of king Charles. It was currently reported that the duke of Lancaster was to give his daughter Catherine to the king of Navarre, who, in return, was to deliver up to him the whole county of Evreux. These reports were readily believe in France, for the king of Navarre had but few friends there. The king of France, at this period, went to reside at Rouen, where he had summoned a large body of men at arms, and had given the command of it to the lords de Coucy and de la Riviere, who advanced to Bayeux, a city in Normandy attached to Navarre. These barons had with them the lord Charles and lord Peter, the two sons of the king of Navarre, to show to the whole country and to the county of Evreux, that the war they were carrying on was in behalf of these children, and for the inheritance which belonged to them in right of their mother, and which the king of Navarre wrongfully withheld. However, the greater part of the men at arms were so much attached to the king of Navarre, that they would not quit his service: the Navarrois who were collected in Bayeux, as well as those whom he had sent thither, maintained the war for him handsomely.
The king of France ordered commissioners to Montpellier, to seize all the lands and lordships which were in the possession of the king of Navarre. When these commissioners, sir William des Dormans and sir John le Mercier, were arrived at Montpellier, they sent for the principal inhabitants, to whom they showed their instructions. Those of Montpellier obeyed. Indeed it was necessary for them to do so; for had they acted otherwise they would have suffered for it, as the duke of Anjou and the constable of France had entered their territories with a considerable force, who wished for nothing better than to carry the war thither. Two knights of Normandy, governors of Montpellier for the king of Navarre, were made prisoners by orders of the king of France, as were also sir Guy de Graville and sir Liger d’Argesi, who remained a long time in confinement. Thus was the town of Montpellier and all the barony seized by the French.
We will now return to the army of Normandy, and relate how the lords de Coucy and de la Riviere went on. They advanced to Bayeux, and laid siege to it. The garrison-towns of Navarre had closed their gates against the French, and showed no intentions of speedily surrendering them. When the king of Navarre heard that the French had seized the town and territory of Montpellier, and that a large army was in the county of Evreux, where they were pillaging and destroying his towns and castles, he held many conferences on these subjects with those in whom he placed the greatest trust. It was determined in these councils, that as he could not receive any assistance but from England, he should send thither a person in whom he confided, with credential letters, to know if the young king Richard and his council were willing to form an alliance with him, and to assure them, that from henceforward he would swear to be true and loyal to the English, and would place in their hands all the castles which he possessed in Normandy. To execute this embassy to England, he called to him a lawyer in whom he greatly trusted, and said to him: “Master Paschal, you will set out for England, and manage so as to return to me with good news, for from this day forward I will be steady in my alliance with the English.”
Master Paschal prepared to do what he had been ordered; and, having made himself ready, he embarked, made sail, and landed in Cornwall, and from thence journeyed on until he arrived at Sheen, near London, where the king resided. He approached his person, and recommended to his majesty his lord the king of Navarre. The king entertained him handsomely. There were present the earl of Salisbury and sir Simon Burley, who entered into 541 the conversation and answered for the king, saying his majesty would shortly come to London, and summon his council on a day fixed on between them.
Master Paschal, at this council, informed the king of all that he had been charged to say: he harangued so ably and eloquently, that he was listened to with pleasure, The council for the king replied, that the offers which the king of Navarre had made were worth attending to; but that, in order to form so extensive an alliance as the king of Navarre was desirous of making, it would be necessary for him to come over himself, that he might more fully explain everything, for the affair seemed well deserving of it. On this, the council broke up, and master Paschal returned to Navarre, when he related to the king that the young king of England and his council were desirous of seeing him. The king replied, he would go thither, and ordered a vessel, called a lin*, to be prepared, which sails with all winds, and without danger. He embarked on board this vessel, with a small attendance: he, however, took with him sir Martin de la Carra and master Paschal. The king of France, some little time before he set out for Rouen, had conceived a great hatred against the king of Navarre: he was informed secretly, by some of his household, of all his negotiations with England: in consequence, he had managed so well with king Henry of Castille, that he had sent the king of Navarre his defiance, and had commenced a severe war against him. The king of Navarre had therefore, before his embarkation, left the viscount de Castillon, the lord de Lestrac, sir Peter de Vienne, and Bascle, with a large body of men at arms, as well from his own country as from the county of Foix, with orders to defend his kingdom and his forts against the Spaniards. He embarked with a very favourable wind, which landed him in Cornwall, from whence he journeyed until he came to Windsor, where king Richard and his council were. He was received with great joy; for they thought they might gain much from him in Normandy, more especially the castle of Cherbourg, which the English were very desirous of possessing.
The king of Navarre explained to the king of England and his council, in a clear manner, with eloquent language, his wants, and his reasons for coming, so that he was willingly attended to, and received such promises of succour that he was well satisfied. I will inform you what treaties were entered into between the two kings.
The king of Navarre engaged to remain for ever true and loyal to the English, and never to make any peace with the kings of France or Castille without the consent of the king of England. He engaged to put the castle of Cherbourg into the hands of the king of England, who was to guard it for three years at his own costs and charges, but the lordship and sovereignty of it were to remain in the king of Navarre. If the English should be able, by force of arms, to gain any of the towns or castles which the king of Navarre then had in Normandy, from the French, they were to remain with the English; the lordship, however, resting in the king of Navarre†. The English were much pleased with these terms, because they gained a good entrance to France through Normandy, which was very convenient for them.
The king of England promised to send, at this season, a thousand spears and two thousand archers, by the river Gironde, from Bordeaux to Bayonne; and these men at arms were to enter Navarre, and make war on the king of Castille. They were not to quit the king nor the kingdom of Navarre so long as there should be war between the kings of Navarre and Castille. But these men at arms and archers, on entering the territories of Navarre, were to be paid and clothed by the king of Navarre as was becoming them, and on the same footing as the king of England was accustomed to pay his soldiers.
Different treaties, alliances, and regulations were drawn up, signed, sealed, and sworn to, between the kings of England and Navarre, which were tolerably well observed. In this council, the king named such members as were ordered to Normandy, and those who were to go to Navarre: because neither the duke of Lancaster, the earl of Cambridge, nor the duke of Brittany, were present at these treaties, it was resolved to send copies sealed to them, in order that they might hasten to invade Normandy.
* “Lin,” — a felucca, or small frigate. — Du Cange.
† See Rymer — for the passport to the king of Navarre, and the treaty at length, an. reg. Ric. II.
The passport for Charles of Navarre is dated a year later than Froissart mentions. It is in Rymer dated the 12th August, from the manor of Clarendon, 1370, to continue to the feast of St. John Baptist following, for five hundred persons.
KING C HARLES of France, being wise and subtle (as his whole life plainly showed,) had received information of the armament in England, but was ignorant whither it was to sail, to Normandy or Brittany. On account of these doubts, he had kept in the latter country a large body of men at arms, under the command of the lords de Clisson, de Laval, the viscount de Rohan, the lords de Beaumanoir and de Rochefort. They had besieged Brest by block-houses only, to prevent any provision from entering. The governor of Brest was a valiant English squire called James Clerk.
Now, because the king of France knew of the king of Navarre’s voyage to England, in the hopes of forming an alliance with his adversary the king of England, he suspected that this naval armament would land in Normandy, and seize by force those castles which belonged to the king of Navarre: he therefore in haste sent orders to the lords de Coucy and de la Riviere, stating to them his suspicions, with orders to conquer, by the speediest modes possible, all castles, more particularly such as were near the sea-coasts, by force or by negotiation. He knew that Cherbourg was not easy to be taken, and also that it could not be reinforced on the land side.
The king of France had likewise ordered large bodies of men at arms to Valognes* from the lower parts of Brittany. Sir Oliver du Guesclin commanded the Bretons; and the lord d’Ivoy and sir Perceval were the leaders of the Normans. The lords de Coucy and de la Riviere had besieged the city of Bayeux with a great force, which was daily increasing from the additions the king of France was sending to them from all quarters. Bayeux is a handsome and strong city near the sea, which at that time belonged to the king of Navarre. The citizens (finding themselves thus besieged by their neighbours, who told them, that if the town were taken by storm, they would all inevitably be destroyed, both men and women, and the town re-peopled with another set of inhabitants,) began to be seriously alarmed. They saw no appearance of assistance coming to them, but, on the contrary, found themselves in opposition to the lord Charles de Navarre, to whom the county of Evreux belonged in right of succession to his late mother. The inhabitants also listened to the harangues of the lords de Coucy and de la Riviere, who, with impressive language, showed them the dangers into which they were running: knowing likewise that their bishop was well inclined towards the French, they thought, considering all things, it would be much better for them to surrender their city from affections, as they were required to do by the above-mentioned lords, than to remain in such peril. The inhabitants of Bayeux demanded a truce for three days; during which time, a treaty was so far concluded that the lords de Coucy and de la Riviere entered the city, and took possession of it for the king of France, as his acknowledged commissaries. The attorney-general was sent thither on the part of the children of Navarre, who were present during all the negotiations.
The two lords renewed all the officers of the city, and, for fear of a rebellion, left a body of good men at arms: they then marched off to lay siege to Carentan, a handsome and strong town situated on the sea-shore, and in the district of Caen. The inhabitants of Carentan were without any governor of note: indeed, they had not had one since sir Eustace d’Ambreticourt, who had been their governor for four years, and had died there; so that they had not any to look to for advice but themselves: they knew also that the admiral of France, sir John de Vienne, in conjunction with the Spanish admiral, and a large force, were before Cherbourg, but were ignorant of the treaties of the king of Navarre, as well as unacquainted with the result of his journey to England. They were attacked every day in two different manners; by words and arms; for the lords de Coucy and de la Riviere were very anxious to gain this town, and succeeded in winning it by capitulation: they put it under the obedience of the king of France, reserving the rights of the two sons of the king of Navarre.
543These lords of France readily granted very favourable terms, in order to get possession of such towns and castles as they wanted by the most expeditious means. They took possession of Carentan, reinforcing it with men at arms: they then departed, and came before the castle of Molineaux†, which in three days capitulated. They advanced to Conches‡, and encamped on the banks of the beautiful river Orne, which runs by Caen, and there refreshed themselves, until they knew the inclinations of the inhabitants, who shortly surrendered on terms; for the lords de Coucy and de la Riviere having the heir of Navarre with them, gave a good colour to their proceedings.
However, when any town or castle surrendered itself to the king of France, or to his commissaries, there was a condition in the treaty, that all those who chose to depart might go wherever they pleased: those who did depart only went to Evreux, of which Ferrando, a Navarrois, was governor. After the conquest of Conches, which was gained, as you have heard, by treaty, they advanced before Passy§, where there was an assault: many were killed and wounded on both sides. That same day, the castle surrendered to the king of France: they then marched away. In short, all that the king of Navarre possessed in Normandy surrendered, excepting Evreux and Cherbourg. When they had won different small forts, and placed the whole country under the obedience of the king of France, they laid siege to Evreux, which was cut off from any communication with Cherbourg.
In Evreux there was, according to custom, the strongest garrison of Navarrois in Normandy; and the inhabitants never perfectly loved any other lord but the king of Navarre. The place was closely besieged. It held out for a long time: for Ferrando, the governor, performed in person several gallant deeds of arms. About this time the king of Navarre, being returned to his own country, expected to have had some assistance from the English; but it does not appear that he had any succours from them, for the duke of Lancaster and the earl of Cambridge, before these treaties had been entered on, had experienced very contrary winds for their voyage to Normandy, and so numerous a levy as had been ordered of four thousand men at arms and eight thousand archers, could not immediately be assembled at Southampton, where they were to embark. It was St. John Baptist’s day before they were all collected and had sailed from England. The earl of Salisbury and sir John Arundel were still at Plymouth, who ought to have reinforced Brest and Hennebon¶; but they had wanted wind, so that they joined the duke of Lancaster and earl of Cambridge’s army. They landed on the Isle of Wight, where they remained some time waiting for intelligence, and to know whether they should sail for Normandy or Brittany: they there learnt that the French fleet was at sea, on which sir John Arundel was ordered back to Southampton, with two hundred men at arms and four hundred archers, to defend that place.
* “Valognes,” — a town in Normandy; it lies between Cherbourg and Carentan.
† “Molineaux,” — a village in Normandy, election of Caen.
‡ “Conches,” — a market town in Normandy, near Evreux.
§ “Passy,” — a town in Normandy, four leagues from Evreux.
¶ “Hennebon.” Denys Sauvage thinks it should be Aubray, or Derval, instead of Hennebon.
ON account of the information the king of France had received from the Normans, that the English were in great force at sea, but doubtful whither it was directed, he had issued a special summons throughout his realm for every knight and squire, according to his degree, to keep himself prepared to march to whatever part he should be ordered. The duke of Anjou had also, at this period, retained large bodies of men at arms from all quarters, with the intention of laying siege to Bordeaux. He had with him his brother the duke of Berry, the constable of France, and all the flower of knighthood from Gascony, Auvergne, Poitou and Limousin. In order to carry their enterprise, he had raised an immense army, and had also, with the consent of the king of France, collected two hundred thousand francs in Languedoc; but he could not at present undertake this siege, for the king of France had recalled the duke of Berry, the constable and other barons, on whose assistance 544 he had depended, as it was well known the English were at sea, but uncertain in what part of the kingdom they would attempt to land. Notwithstanding this expedition from Languedoc had filed, the poor people who had been so hard pressed to pay such large sums were never repaid any part.
The king of Castille, about this time, laid siege to Bayonne with full twenty thousand Spaniards and Castillians: he began the siege in the winter, and continued it through that whole season. Many gallant deeds were performed there by sea and land, for Roderigo le Roux, don Fernando de Castille, Ambrose de Boccanegra and Peter Bascle, lay at anchor before Bayonne with two hundred vessels, and gave sufficiency of employment to its inhabitants. The governor of the town at the time was a right valiant knight from England, called sir Matthew Gournay. His good sense and prowess were, as I have been informed, of great assistance to the townsmen. I have heard from some of those who were besieged, that the Spaniards would have succeeded in their attempt on Bayonne, had not a great mortality afflicted their army, so that out of five who were taken ill three died.
King Henry had with him a necromancer from Toledo, who declared that the whole air was poisoned and corrupted, and that no remedy could be had for it without risking the death of all. In consequence of this decision, the king broke up the siege; but the Spaniards and Bretons had conquered a number of small forts and castles in the adjacent country, into which they entered; and the king went to refresh himself at la Coulongne*. He sent his constable, with ten thousand men, to lay siege to Pampeluna.
In that city were the viscount de Castillon, the lord de Lescut and le Bascle, with two hundred lances in the whole, who carefully guarded the place. The king of Navarre, who had but lately returned from England, resided at Tudelle, impatiently expecting the succours which were to come to him from England, and which indeed had been ordered; for, by directions from the king and council, the lord Neville and sir Thomas de Termes†, were at Plymouth, or in that neighbourhood, with about one thousand men at arms and two thousand archers, and were laying in their stores for the voyage to Bordeaux; but they had not met with a passage according to their wishes.
With regard to the great army under the command of the duke of Lancaster, at last it landed near to St. Malo: news of which was soon carried to the Breton lords of the French party, and immediately the viscount de Belliere, sir Henry Malatrait and the lord de Combor, left their habitations and flung themselves into St. Malo with two hundred men at arms, to the great joy of Morfonace the governor, who otherwise would have been hardly pushed.
* “La Coulongne.” — Sala calls it Calongne. Q. if not Orogne.
† “De Termes.” Q. Sir Thomas Trivet.
CHAPTER XVII. — THE ENGLISH, AT THIS PERIOD, MAKE EXCURSIONS INTO VARIOUS PARTS OF THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE. — THE MELANCHOLY DEATH OF EVAN OF WALES.
SIR John Arundel, who had remained at Southampton with his two hundred men at arms and four hundred archers, received information from some prisoners who had been taken in a Norman vessel, that the duke of Lancaster had well scoured the ports of Normandy, so that none of the French dared to put to sea. He directly ordered his vessels and four large ships to be got ready, laden with provisions, in which he embarked, and made sail for Cherbourg, where he was joyfully received. The castle remained under the guard of the English, on the departure of the Navarrois; but sir Peter de Basle, the governor, did not leave it. I must inform you, that Cherbourg is only to be conquered by famine; for it is one of the strongest castles in the world: the garrison made many profitable excursions on those of Valognes. Sir John Arundel, after he had garrisoned Cherbourg with English, remained there but fifteen days to re-victual it, and returned to Southampton, of which he was governor.
We will now speak of the siege of St. Malo. When the English entered the harbour, they found therein a number of vessels from La Rochelle, laden with good wines; the merchants were soon eased of them, and their vessels burnt. The siege of St. Malo was directly 545 commenced, for they were in sufficient numbers to undertake it: they overran the country, and did much damage. Those who were most active in this business were sir Robert Knolles, and sir Hugh Broc his nephew, who were well acquainted with those parts. These two made excursions daily, and the canon de Robesart in company with them. Some days they lost, and at others gained: they, however, burnt and destroyed all round St. Malo.
The army of the duke of Lancaster had plenty of provision, for they had brought with them large quantities from England. Many severe assaults were made on St. Malo, and the attacks as ably resisted, for there were several men at arms within it not easily to be conquered. The lords of the army caused the carpenters to make sheds, under which they could with greater ease carry on their attacks; they had four hundred cannons pointed against the different parts of the town, which very much harassed its inhabitants. Among the various assaults, there was one which was particularly severe, for it lasted a whole day, and many English were killed and wounded: those within made so prudent a defence as not to lose a man: a knight from England called sir Peter l’Escume, was slain, for whose death the duke and the earl were sorely vexed. We will now return for a while to the siege of Mortain-sure-mer in Poitou, and to Evan of Wales.
Evan of Wales had closely blockaded Mortain in Poitou, of which place the souldich de l’Estrade was governor, and had erected four block-houses: the first was built on the edge of a rock before the castle, on the Garonne, and Evan had posted himself within it: the second was built between the water and the lower castle, opposite to a postern gate, from which none could issue without the certainty of being taken: the third was on the opposite side of the castle: the fourth was the church of St. Leger, near half a league from the fort. The inhabitants of Mortain were long sorely harassed by these means, for the blockade lasted upwards of a year and a half, in which time they were hardly pushed for provision and other necessaries, having neither stockings nor shoes to their feet; but what was the most grievous, they did not see any appearance of succour being sent to them.
During the time of this siege, there came out of England, and from the borders of Wales, a Welsh squire named John Lambe, who was scarcely a gentleman; and indeed he showed it, for no gentleman would ever have practised such base wickedness. It was said, that on his departure from England, he had been instigated by some English knights to perform the treason he did; for Evan of Wales was greatly hated in England and Gascony, on account of the captal de Buch, whom he had made prisoner before Soubise in Poitou, and whose ransom could never be obtained either by exchange of the count de St. Pol or by any other, nor for any sum of money that could be offered: this caused his death, through melancholy, in the Temple at Paris, to the very great regret of all his friends.
About this time John Lambe arrived in Brittany, and continued his journey until he came to Poitou: he was honourably received everywhere, by calling himself one of Evan’s friends and speaking very good French. He said he was come from Wales to visit Evan, and was too lightly believed. For these reasons he was escorted by the men of Poitou to Mortain, where the siege was going forward. John Lambe advanced towards Evan, when, falling on his knees, he said in his country language, that he had left Wales to see and serve him. Evan, not harbouring the least suspicion, received him kindly, thanked him for coming, and accepted his offers of service: he then asked the news from Wales. He told him enough of true and false, and made him believe that the whole principality was desirous of having him for their lord. This information gained so much the love of Evan (for every one naturally would wish to return to his own country) that he immediately appointed him his chamberlain. John won daily on the affection of Evan: there was no one in whom he had so great a confidence. Evan’s regard increased so fast that evil befel him, for which it was a great pity, for he was a valiant knight, a good man, and the son of a prince of Wales whom king Edward had caused to be beheaded, but on what account I am ignorant.
The king of England had seized his lands in Wales; and this Evan, in his infancy, having come to France, explained his situation to king Philip, who willingly listened to him, retained him near his person, and as long as he lived was one of the pages of his chamber, with his nephews d’Alençons and several other young nobles. He was also retained by king John, under whom he bore arms, and was at the battle of Poitiers, but fortunately escaped, 546 otherwise death would soon have followed his captivity. On the peace between France and England, he went to Lombardy, where he continued to bear arms; and, on the renewal of the war, he returned to France, and conducted himself so well that he was much praised and loved by the king of France, and by all the great lords. I will now tell his end, which I shall do unwillingly; but it is necessary to show to posterity what became of him.
Even of Wales had a custom during the siege of Mortain, as soon as he was risen, if it were a fine morning, to seat himself before the castle, when he had his hair combed and plaited for a considerable length of time, during which he viewed the castle, and the surrounding country, for he had not the smallest dread from any quarter: it was not usual for any one to attend him as a guard but this John Lambe. Very often it happened that he there completely dressed himself; and, if any one had business with him, they went there to seek him. On his last visit it was early morn and fine clear weather, and the heat of the night had prevented him from sleeping: he went thither all unbuttoned, with only his jacked and shirt, and his cloak thrown over him,when he seated himself as usual, attended by John Lambe. All the others were asleep, and no guard was kept, for he considered the castle of Mortain as conquered. After Evan had seated himself on the trunk of a tree, he said to John Lambe, “Go and seek my comb, for that will refresh me a little.” He answered, “Willingly, my lord.” On his way to seek for the comb, or when returning with it, the devil must have entered the body of this John; for with the comb he brought a short Spanish dagger that had a broad point, to accomplish his evil intentions: he struck this dagger into Evan, whose body was almost naked, and pierced him through, so that he fell down dead. After he had performed this deed, he left the dagger in the body, set off, and went slowly to the barriers of the castle, wherein he was received by the guards, to whom he made himself known, and was conducted to the souldich de l’Estrade. “My lord,” said he to the souldich, “I have delivered you from one of the greatest enemies you ever had.” “From whom?” replied the souldich. “From Evan of Wales,” answered John. “By what means?” demanded the souldich. “By such means,” said John, and then related to him the circumstances you have just heard. When the souldich heard this, he shook his head, and, eyeing him with anger, replied, “Thou hast murdered him; but know from me, that if we did not reap much advantage from thy wicked deed, I would have thy head cut off: what is done, however, cannot be undone; but such a death is unworthy of a gentleman, and we shall have more blame than praise for it*.”
Thus was Evans of Wales killed by a wicked and treasonable act, to the great grief of the army and all manner of people. King Charles of France particularly lamented his loss, but he could not help it. Evan of Wales was buried in the church of St. Leger, which he had converted into a fort, half a league distant from the castle of Mortain, and all the gentlemen of the army attended his obsequies, which were very grandly performed.
The siege of Mortain was not, however, discontinued for this loss. There were very good knights from Brittany, Poitou, and France, who had resolved never to quit it unless forced by superior numbers; and they were more eager than before to conquer the castle, by way of revenge for the death of Evan. They remained in the same position, without making any assaults, for they knew the garrison were exceedingly straightened for provision, and that none could enter the place. We will leave this siege for a short time, and return to that of St. Malo; but we will first mention how those who had besieged Evreux persevered in it.
* It would appear, however, from the following extract from the Fœdera, under the year 1381, of payments made on account of the war in Aquitaine, that John Lambe was sent on purpose to murder Evan: at least he is recompensed for it:
“Item paie le xviii jour de Septembre à John Lambe & à ses deux compagnions, en recompensacion & regarde, si bien de les bons & agréables services qu’ il a fait à monsieur le prince, que Dieu assoile, & fera au roi q’ore est, come de la mourt de You de Galles. — C francs.”
After all the inquiries I have been able to make, I have not succeeded in identifying Evan of Wales with any known character in the old Welsh books. In the works of David Nanmor, who flourished from about 1430 to 1470, there is a passage, wehre the poet, in looking for more happy times than his own in futurity, among other predictions announces the coming of Ievan Dyvi, or Evan of Dovy. Now this Evan of Dovy must have been some person of celebrity, at some period prior to the time of the writer before-mentioned, whose fame is totally obscured, probably owing to the danger of espousing the cause of the personage, from his being hostile to the existing government. This seems to be the only reason for the ambiguity of the poet, and it seems also satisfactorily to account for the silence of all the Welsh writers respecting Evan of Wales.
THE siege of Evreux being formed by the lords de Coucy and de la Riviere, they had frequent communication with the king of France, who had fixed his residence at Rouen to be as near his army as possible. He was desirous they should gain Evreux, either by storm or capitulation, as soon as might be, for he knew the English were in great force in Brittany: he ordered, therefore, all his troops to advance thither to raise the siege of St. Malo, and to combat the English. These two lords acquitted themselves loyally and valiantly, for every day there were assaults as well as negotiations going forward. They sent to remonstrate with the inhabitants on their folly in thus having war made upon them with the risk of losing their fortunes and having their houses razed to the ground; for they had their lawful lord with them, the lord Charles de Navarre, to whom, by right of succession from his mother, the county of Evreux had devolved. They advised them, therefore, not to attend to the erroneous opinions of that madman Ferrando of Navarre, who was there only to ruin them; for they must well know that the goodness of their cause would never allow them to march from thence without having conquered it; and, should it be taken by storm, every one would be put to the sword, and the town re-peopled with new inhabitants. Such were the offers, speeches, and menaces to the townsmen of Evreux; but these did not prevent daily assaults from being made.
The inhabitants at last began to waver, on seeing that no succour was likely to be sent them; and they said to each other, “We see that the king of France does not claim the territory for himself, but for his nephew.” They therefore entered into a treaty with the lord de Coucy. When Ferrando perceived this, he shut himself up in the castle, and would not be present at any of the meetings. In short, they surrendered on their lives and fortunes 548 being spared, whether they were in town or country, and acknowledged the lord Charles for their lord. They then besieged Ferrando in the castle, who negotiated with the lords of France, and offered to surrender the castle if they would permit him and his men freely to depart. His offer was accepted. Shortly after, they packed up their baggage, and marched out of Evreux, under the conduct of the lords de Coucy, de la Riviere, and sir John le Mercier, taking the road to Cherbourg.
After the conquest of Evreux, all the leaders of the French army went to Rouen, where the king resided, in order to consider what was next for them to do; for they had heard that the English were besieging St. Malo. The king of France received them very graciously; in particular, the lords de Coucy and de la Riviere; for having so well succeeded in their exploits. All the man at arms remained in Normandy: not one of their captains were dismissed, but were regularly paid their allowances. The king of France, during his residence at Rouen, had heard of the English having laid siege to St. Malo, with a powerful army, and that the inhabitants were hard pressed by their daily assaults. He was unwilling to lose his subjects, as well as the town; for if St. Malo were taken, Brittany would be very much weakened in that part. The king had therefore, to this purpose, issued a special summons for assembling troops, in order to assist them against the English, which no one dared to disobey. The dukes of Berry and Burgundy, the count d’Alençon, the cont de la Marche, the dauphin d’Auvergne, the count de Guines, sir John de Boulogne, and great numbers of barons and knights of all sorts, marched thither with numerous forces. The king sent orders to his constable, sir Bertrand du Guesclin, to see that none absented themselves from this assembly.
The constable obeyed, and came with all the men at arms of Anjou, Poitou, and Touraine. The marshal de Blainville and the marshal de Sancerre, the two marshals of France, were also there. From other parts came sir Olivier de Clisson, the lord de Léon, with the other knights and barons of Brittany: there were ten thousand men at arms at least, and in the plains one hundred thousand horses*.
These men at arms took up their quarters as near to each other as they could; but there were between them and the English an arm of the sea and a river. When the sea ebbed, some young knights usually adventured on the sands, and performed several gallant deeds. Never was there seen so numerous an assembly of knighthood in Brittany. If the French were in great force, the English were very powerful, and each party thought there must be a combat, for every day there was an appearance of it from the banners and pennons fluttering in the wind. The English frequently drew out their army in battle-array, to examine the force of the French and the strength of the banners and pennons, which were there in very great abundance. It was a great pleasure to see them thus drawn out in a line of battle, and advance towards the river, to show that they were ready to engage. The English said, “Let us look at our enemies, who will soon, at low water, cross over and fight with us.” But they had no such inclination, and were afraid of trying the chance; for their leaders would not allow them to advance to the combat.
During these frequent displays on each side, the earl of Cambridge, being fatigued with their inutility, declared with an oath, that if he saw them continued without any further advance made towards a battle, he would engage the French himself, whatever might be the consequence. The van-guard, composed of numbers of able men under the command of the constable, who well knew the hot and impatient temper of the English, were ordered to draw up their battalions on foot, on the sands as near to the river as possible. The earl of Cambridge, who saw this manaœuvre, cried out, “Let them who love me follow me, for I am going to engage!” He then dashed into the river, which was low, but the tide was returning, and he began to cross it with his banner: the English commenced shooting at the French, when the constable ordered his men to retreat to the fields, in hopes the English would have crossed; for very willingly would he have seen them do so, and have had them on the other side of the water.
The duke of Lancaster was prepared, with a very strong battalion, to follow his brother, should there have been occasion. He said to Gerard de Brees, a squire from Hainault who was near him; “Gerard, see how my brother ventures: he shows the French by his example 549 his willingness for the combat, but they have no such inclination.” Thus was this business carried on, without any deeds of arms being performed worth mentioning: the French keeping on one side the water, the English on the other. The flood beginning to increase, the English retreated out of the river, and returned to their quarters: the French followed their example. Whilst these appearances of a battle were carried on, the siege of St. Malo was continued, and several feats of arms were done. The French guarded the banks so well, that the English were afraid to cross the water.
It frequently happened that several knights or squires of Brittany, well acquainted with the country, forded the river, and in their excursions met the English foragers, with whom they engaged; and success, as is usual in such cases, was sometimes on one side, sometimes on the other. The lords of England resolved to employ a mine, to gain entrance into St. Malo; for otherwise they thought they could not win it, as it was well provided with men at arms, who carefully defended it, as well as with all sorts of stores and artillery. The English were obliged to be continually armed, and to keep in a body ready for battle, should the French advance; and for this reason, they had not leisure to assault the town, except by their cannon, of which they had plenty, that greatly annoyed it. Having fixed on a spot, they set their miners to work. We will now leave for a while the siege of St. Malo, and return to that of Mortain in Poitou.
* Denys Sauvage doubts if this number of horses be not too great.
YOU have before heard related the death of Evan of Wales, how he was murdered, and how the Bretons and Poitevins were before Mortain, under the command of sir James de Montmort, sir Perceval d’Ayneval, sir William de Montcontour, and sir James de Surgeres, who would not break up the siege, for they were much enraged at the death of Evan of Wales, their commander, and wished to revenge themselves on the garrison for it. You have also hear how sir Thomas Trivet, sir William Scrope, sir Thomas Breton, sir William Cendrine, with a large body of men at arms and archers, had been ordered to the country near Bordeaux, and to assist those in Mortain, with sir Matthew Gournay, who resided in Bayonne, and who daily found employment there against the Gascons and barons possessing fortresses in those parts. These four knights had remained with their men upwards of seven months at Plymouth, waiting a favourable wind to carry them to Gascony, which, though it vexed them much, they could not help themselves.
You have heard likewise that the lord Neville of Raby had been ordered with a body of men at arms and archers to the assistance of the king of Navarre, with the appointment of séneschal of Bordeaux. All these knights met at Plymouth, which was very agreeable to every one of them. On the arrival of the lord Neville, they had a wind to their wish, and, having embarked on board the vessels that had been long laden, they set their sails, and steered for Gascony. This fleet consisted of six score vessels and forty barges, having on board about a thousand men at arms and two thousand archers. They had favourable weather, which carried them into the port of Bordeaux, the night of Our Lady, in September, in the year of grace 1378.
When the Bretons and Poitevins who were before Mortain saw this great fleet pass by, with trumpets sounding and every sign of joy, they were much cast down; while, on the contrary, the garrison were rejoiced, for they justly imagined they should very soon be relieved, or that there would be a battle, as they thought they never would have come so far to remain idle. Sir James de Montmort and the other leaders of the army assembled in council, and debated for some time in what manner they should act; they repented they had neglected to accept the offers of negotiating; for the souldich de l’Estrade had, a short time before, proposed a parley, and offered to surrender the castle, on the garrison being allowed to march in safety to Bordeaux; but the French would not listen to it. However, they now sent a herald to say, they would accept of their terms: but the souldich replied, he would have nothing to say to them; that he did not want to capitulate, for that the reinforcements he looked for were arrived; and that they might remain or march away, as should please 550 themselves. Things remained thus, when the lord Neville and the English arrived at Bordeaux, where they were magnificently received by sir William Helmen, séneschal des Landes, sir John de Multon, mayor of Bordeaux, the archbishop, the ladies, and citizens.
Soon after his arrival, he issued a summons to the knights and squires of Gascony attached to England, and collected so many vessels that four thousand embarked on board of them, and sailed down the river Garonne, to raise the siege of Mortain. News was soon carried to the French army, that the English and Gascons were coming down the river in great force to raise the siege: upon this, the leaders called another council, wherein it was resolved, that as they were not sufficiently strong to wait for their enemies, it was better to give up their lost time than to run a greater danger; having ordered their trumpets to sound, they marched away without doing anything more, and retreated into Poitou. All, however, did not march off, for a company of Bretons and Welsh, who had been attached to Evans of Wales, retired into the blockhouse of St. Leger, which they said would hold out against every force, and dragged all their artillery in with them. The English and Gascon knights, who came full sail down the river Garonne, cast anchor in its mouth before Mortain; when they disembarked leisurely, and as they landed drew up in order of battle, to attack the fort of St. Leger, into which the Bretons and Welsh had retired. Immediately a sharp attack commenced. Whilst this assault was going on, the lord Neville sent a herald to the castle to speak with the souldich, and to inquire how he was. The herald performed his message, and reported that they were in good health, but so naked that they had not a shoe to their feet nor a coat to their backs. The attack on St. Leger lasted three hours; and the assailants gained nothing, but had several wounded. The barons then encamped, with the intent of not departing thence before they had conquered it, and were much vexed that the lord de Montmort and the other lords were not shut up in this fort: those lords had very wisely marched off, and had left the Bretons.
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